While going through the pages of history, we find that Sindh was in commercial relations with British since early years of 17th century.[48]. In Kalhora Rule, during days of Mian Ghulam Shah First ever trading permission was granted to people of the East India Company, in Sindh (49). However, during Talpur Rule, the East India Company Government started making its mind [50] to deprive Sindh of its independence. Consequently, this country was conquered in February 1843 (51). Sir Charles Napier, ruled Sindh in capacity of the Governor for four years (52) and later on Sindh was annexed to the Bombay Presidency till 1936 [53]
Advent of the British Rule brought very drastic changes in Sindhi Society. The East India Company Government introduced, imposed and applied “Divide & Rule” policy, much before the occupation of this Country. They extended cooperation and friendship to Mir Ali Murad , the Ruler of Khairpur and used his office and influence against Rulers of Hyderabad and Mirpurkhas and, even his own relatives [54] . They availed services of Seth Naoomal of Karachi in connection with getting camels and other facilities of communication and transportation for their force deployed in Sindh and for moving towards Afghanistan. In this way they divided Hindus and Muslims. [55] The East India Company took over the control of Karachi in 1939,-four years before the fall of Hyderabad [56]. In that year The population of Karachi was 13,850( 9,000 Hindus and 4,850 Muslims). Majority of Muslims were fishermen and boatmen who resided outside the town walls. Many of Hindu merchants were very wealthy, and as a body were more independent; and possessed greater influence, than in any part of Sindh. They had agencies in almost all the neighboring trading centers of commercial importance, as for instance Muscat, Heart, Kabul; Kandhar and Multan. There are two Mosques, Thirteen Dargahs and Thirty four Hindu Temples, Fakir Maths and Dharamshalas in Karachi. (57)
The British Management deliberately ignored Muslims and accommodated Hindus in Revenue and Administration Services.[58]. Muslims also termed new rulers as usurpers and their government as anti-Muslim. Muslim community thought Ruler’s Education System against their religious ideology. But, Hindus opted it accordingly. With the result that Muslims were left behind and Hindus took advantage of Modern Education [59]. It created a big change in the Society. Hindus got golden opportunity to get lion’s share in Government employments [60]. It gave Hindus upper hand in bureaucracy. So from here, the story of differences and distances between Hindus and Muslims starts
In the early days of the British Raj, seasoned Hindus and Muslims started working jointly with hand in hand for the betterment of Sindh. The then government also took care to give both communities equal share in various committees formed for dealing with local affairs. Therefore, on 8.9.1852 The General Department of the Bombay Government issues a Notification under the signature of Mr.J.G.Lumsden Secretary to Government, announcing the application of Act 26 of 1850 to the town of Karachi and appointing of a Committee of the following Commissioners: Sir B.Frere (Ex-officio President), D.Mclver ( Member); Shaikh Ghulam Hussain (Member); Kazi Noor Muhammad (Member); Sahibdino Memon (Member); Seth Khemchand (Member); Muggon Mukhie (Member). The Captain of Police, Lient. of Police; Magistrate and his Deputies are to be ex-officio members, when present at Karachi. (61). When in 1853, New Sindh Alphabet was introduced, it was finalized and devised by Mr. Ellis, Revenue Assistant to the Commissioner-in-Sindh in consultation with a Committee of local people, including three Hindus and three Muslims.(62). But, it is to be noted that it was for the first time that Hindus and Muslims stood divided on the matter of Script. Hindus demanded Devanagari Script, whereas, Muslims were advocating for Arabic Script. Therefore, the matter was resolved by the Board of Directors of the East India Company Government.(63).
In 1882, Sindh Sabha was formed that was first ever Social-cum-Political organization of Sindh. Its Office-bearers and members were from Hindu, Muslim and Parsi communities living in the length and breadth of the Province. This organization took interest in social and educational development.[64]. Sindh Sabha influenced Municipal elections and got members elected those were supported by it. (65). Sindh Sabha started well. The Education Department trusted this organization by virtue of handing over Paper namely “ Sindh Sudhar”, that was edited by Sadhu Hiranand for some years.(66).However, in October 1884, Sabha witnessed terrible disintegration because of differences those took place between Hassanally Effendi and Sadhu Hiranand. With the result that Hassanally Effendi formed his own organization namely Sindh Muhammadan Association (67). It proved to be beginning of differences and deterioration of Hindu-Muslim Relations. Hassanally Effendi decided to establish Sindh Madaressah-tu-Islam- an school - for imparting education to Muslim community. Hassanally Effendi faced very tough time from Hindu friends. Problem was created for him to get plot from Karachi Municipality for construction of School. The campaign was started against him and his efforts for establishment of Sindh Madressah. [68].
After the disintegration of the “ Sindh Sabha”, Hindus founded their own political platform known as Sindh Hindu Sabha. It was headed by renowned Politician Seth Harchandrai Vishindas. He took matters relating to Hindu community, but the way and approach he adopted, it deteriorated Hindu-Muslim Relations to some extent. He touched almost all those matters; those were ‘burning issues’ of the Sindhi Society for years. A few examples are given as under:
In 1909 Seth Harchandrai Vishindas, in capacity of the President of Sindh Hindu Sabha sent telegram to the Viceroy of India. It reads as follow: “ Sindh Hindu Sabha respectfully urges its protest against the extravagant and unwarranted demands of Muhammadans regarding representation in Reformed Legislative Council. Muhammadan assumption of superior political importance is unjustified .Other communities are in no way invancement to Muhammadans .Unequal representation demands by Muhammadans is likely to cause deep resentment among other communities and nullify the beneficial effect of the Reform Scheme”.(69)
A Sindhi Muslim with pen name of G.N.A wrote letter to the editor of the Daily Gazette of Karachi and that was published in paper’s issue of 6th October 1909. He wrote; “ Sir! It is but fair that while the long protest of the Sindh Hindu Sabha against Muhammadan representation in Sindh is being met with a proper answer in the proper quarter, a hint may laid before those who have naturally been fascinated by the superb periods of its composition. Both the columns of your print, which it has taken up to display itself come to this, that we Muhammadans ought to entertain no fear at all of votes among the District Boards, because we are in over whelming majority there. But the President has not troubled himself to get the figures. Will he admit that as an example of the condition of our electorate, Jacobabad is the most Muhammadan electorate in Sindh, and will he also recall to his mind that out of the total of 180 voters as many as 87 walked to the voting table at the last election, and that more than half i.e 45 votes were plumped for Professor Shahani. Professor Shahani had aldo a similar majority in the Larkana District were out of 133 recorded votes, he had 55 votes”.
On second day, rejoinder to this letter appeared in the same paper. In his strong-worded letter, Seth Harchandrai Vishindas wrote as follow: “ We will possess our souls in patience till ‘a proper answer in proper quarter’ forecast. By your correspondent G.N.A in your yesterday’s issue, sees the light. But if G.N.A is an advance sample of the logic of the impending answer, we may dismiss alarm like the Mulla pedagogue of the story who commanded his pupils to silence, on the approach of a visitor of portly mien, well-sized turban and venerable bread to avoid betrayal of his short comings in the presence of such unmistakable symptoms of learning, and then after hearing the visitor announces his cognomen, cried out READ AWAY BOYS. He is only a Joosib.
Your Correspondent says ‘ Both the columns at your print, which it (the Sabha memorial) has taken up to display itself come to this that we Muhammadans ought to entertain no fear at all of votes among the District Boards because we are in over whelming majority there’,. This is however, not all the memorial comes to. It implies that if Muhammadan demand any extra seat on the basis of the unsafty of the District Board seat, such a demand is too extravagant to be compiled with, the premises being false.
G.A.N further says ‘ But the President has not troubled himself to get at the figures’. It is true that I have not troubled about all the figures of the stars in the heavens, for instance, or of the hair on a man’s head. But I have troubled about the figures of the District Board members as anyone can see from the table of figures standing prominently in the middle of the Shaba’s memorial.
Your Correspondent’s jumbling of figures of the last election to the ‘landholders seat’ with the question of the District Board seat, the only question dwelt with by the Sabha and material for the consideration of the subject in hand, is hopelessly inconsequent. What the Jacobabad and larkana elections did at the ‘landholders’ election was not point at issue. But even there the electorate taken as a whole returned a Muhammadan although there was two Muhammadan six [Hindu?] candidates. The statement made without this complement is tainted as a half-truth.
M/S Bhurgri and Yousif Ali Bhai, the spokesmen for Muhammadans have made no grievances of the landholder’s seat or its insecurity, as for as the published accounts ago. And the Sindh Sabha had advisedly differentiated between the case of landholders and District Boards, the former being a diffuse and unorganized body and latter a compact and select one”
