Provincial conferences contents

1 9TH THE BOMBAY PROVINCIAL CONFERENCE HELD AT KARACHI 2nd May 1896 to 4th May 1896

2 3RD SINDH PROVINCIAL CONFERENCE HELD AT LARKANA 1916

3 THIRD SINDH PROVINCIAL CONFERENCE HELD AT LARKANA ON THE 21 APRIL 1916 PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS OF THE HONOURABLE Mr. G.M. BHURGRI

4 4TH SINDH PROVINCIAL CONFERENCE HELD AT SHIKARPUR (1917)

5 SINDH PROVINCIAL CONFERENCE Held In March / April 1918 At Karachi

6 5TH SINDH PROVINCIAL CONFERENCE, KARACHI. PRESIDENTIAL SPEECH 30TH MARCH 1918 5TH SINDH PROVINCIAL CONFERENCE KARACHI

7 6TH SIND PROVINCIAL CONFERENCE HELD AT JACOBABD (1919)

8 SIND PRIVINCIAL CONFERENCE 6TH SESSION, JACOBABAD PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS BY JAMSHED N.R. MEHTA 18 APRIL 1919

9 SEVENTH SIND PROVINCIAL CONFERENCE HELD AT SUKKUR (1920)

10 PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS OF SETH HAJI ABDOOLA HAROON AT THE SIND PROVINCIAL CONFERENCE 1920-7TH SESSION, SUKKUR.

11 SPECIAL SIND PROVINCIAL CONFERENCE HYDERABAD (1920)

9^TH THE BOMBAY PROVINCIAL CONFERENCE

HELD AT KARACHI

2^nd May 1896 to 4^th May 1896

9^TH THE BOMBAY PROVINCIAL CONFERENCE AT KARACHI (1896

The 9^th Bombay Provincial Conference met here in the Burns Garden on Saturday 2^nd May, 1896 last at 3 P.M. and its deliberations were concluded last evening 4^th May, 1896.

            About 150 delegates, it is stated, attended the Conference, besides a large number of visitors each day, especially yesterday, when there were no restrictions regarding admission, which was accorded free to everyone. The number of delegation from the Presidency proper was not by any means as large as was expected but the deficiency was made up by the fairly large number of delegates from the Province itself. One remarkable feature of the conference was that all the communities, Hindus, Parsis and Mahomedans joined in the movement, Mr. Hart Davies, the Sessions Judge, Mr. Gloster, the Joint Judge, Mr. Melver, the District Superintendent of Police, and Mr. Strachan, the Municipal Secretary, being among those present on the first day as visitors. The first day was taken up by the welcome address to the delegates by the Chairman of the Reception Committee, the Hon. Mir Allahbuksh Khan, and the President’s opening address which lasted for nearly two hours. The President in his address pointed out the necessity of holding Provincial Conferences, remarking that they were not only a utility but an indispensable necessity as much as he said it is by meeting once a year in this manner, on the one hand subjecting the measures of Government to healthy criticism, and on the other hand taking stock of the annual, gains or loses to the community that we can best realize our fresh responsibilities and help the march of administrative as well as popular progress. He also placed before the audience in his address some of the more important topics and the more noticeable features of the provincial administration of the last twelve months, and he said “our object in assembling today is not for the purpose of embarrassing the administration and subjecting it to criticism from any selfish and or unworthy motive, but to help the administration as far as we can do what lies in our power to bring the light of provincial public opinion to bear on the policy and principle of provincial administration”. In concluding he remarked that the aim and mission of the conference is “attachment to the throne, reverence for the law, and a strong and united empire” – an empire broadbased on the growing confidence and affection of all the classes and creeds that compose it.

            Among the resolutions passed at the Conference on subjects relating to Sind may be mentioned the one on the reform of Judicial administration in Sind by the conversion of the Sadar Court into a Chief Court with three Judges, or turning it into a Division of the Bombay High Court sitting in Sind. This was moved by Mr. Dowlatram Jethmal, who gave the history of the Sind Courts from the time of their establishment down, to the present day, and dwelt at length on the imperfection and inefficiency of the Judicial administration in Sind. The resolution was seconded by Mr. P.B. Kitwal, and supported Diwan Thawardas, Pleader, Hyderabad. Another resolution was on the subject of the provincial service rules, and protested against the injustice done to Sind by limiting the Sindhis to judicial appointments of Rs. 400 and to revenue appointments of Rs. 700 as the maximum salaries, whereas for the Presidency proper the highest salary for these two branches of the service is fixed at Rs. 1600 per month. This resolution was moved in an eloquent speech by Professor Gokhale of Poona, who made a good impression on the audience by the fluency with which he spoke. The proposition was seconded by Mr. Harchandrai Vishindas, Pleader, and having been supported by three others was dully passed. The next resolution demanded representation of other interests in the Council in addition to those of the Sind Jagirdars and Zamindars, and protested against the total exclusion of the native mercantile community from representation in the Council and lastly it was urged that Government should appoint a mixed committee composed of officials and non officials to device effectual means to remedy the mischief caused by the Rasai system which is peculiar to Sind. Want of time and space prevents our entering into further details, beyond reproducing the following welcome address to the delegates which was read by Mr. Bulchand Dayarm, Principal of the Hiranand Academy, Hyderabad, at the request of the Hon’ble Mir Allahbuksh, Chairman of the Reception Committee:-

            GENTLEMEN- On behalf of the Reception Committee and the people of this province, I tender you a most hearty welcome to this city, and thank you sincerely for the great honour you have done us by coming here. To some of you our province is an unknown far off land, distinguished for nothing except its very scanty rainfall, its great heat, and its general back wardness, and reached by means of a sea journey which is not always pleasant, and it speaks, therefore, volume for your public spirit and your earnest desire to make this distant and backward part of the Bombay presidency march in line with the political activities of the day, to have come here at so much sacrifice of time and personal comfort. Considering that this is the first time that a Session of the Provincial Conference is held here, it would have been a source of much greater gratification and encouragement to the people of the Province if the delegates from the Presidency proper had mustered in larger numbers. But we are nevertheless thankful that small though the number is, it is a select band of public spirited men, several of whom have made their mark in the Presidency as patriotic and enlightened citizens. If the smallness of the number of delegates from the Presidency has been a matter of some disappointment to us, we have been more than compensated for it by the large number of local delegates and visitors. What is a still more gratifying feature is that all classes and communities have joined in the whole movement heartily. Passing now to matters that directly concern this Province, some of which will be discussed in this Conference, the one great fact that strikes as most as the cause of all our political and general backwardness is, the extremely isolated position of Sind. Unconnected with Bombay by rail save by a very long and circuitous route, we seem to live in a world of our own under an administration in early all matters almost independents of the Bombay Government, though nominally under it, and the effects of this isolation are felt and seen by the people in their daily life. We find ourselves cut off from the powerful sympathy and support of Bombay in all that affects our welfare, and totally deprived of the many and great blessings which the more advanced system of administration in the Presidency proper affords. This is, however, not the occasion for me to linger on this subjects, I shall therefore only briefly touch on one part of it to illustrate my observations. We suffer by this isolation in various ways, and in various matters. For instance we are denied the benefits of the superior machinery for dispensing justice which exists in Bombay. In the matter of employment in the public service also the people of Sind have not the same prospects as the people of the Presidency. The status, pay and powers of our Subordinate Civil Judges are much lower than those of Sub-ordinate Judges in the Presidency, though their duties and responsibilities are the same. Not a single native of the Province, Hindu or Mahomedan, occupies a position higher than that of an inspector in the Police Services of Sind, and in all other Departments, too, the sons of soil are excluded from nearly all the higher appointments. The latest instance of the extremely unfavorable results of this isolation, as affecting the employment of Sindhis in the Public Services, is to be found in the new Provincial Service Rules, according to which the highest judicial posts to which a native of Sind can aspire is that of a Sub Judge on a salary of Rs. 400 per mensem, and the highest revenue appointment to which he can aspire that of a first grade Deputy Collector on a salary of Rs. 700 per mensem, while an inhabitant of the Presidency Proper entering the Provincial Service can become a District Judge or District Magistrate on a salary of Rs. 1600 per mensem. It is needles to multiply instances of this sort showing the disadvantages that Sind suffers owing to its isolation. They will readily occur to any one who gives the least thought to the subject. If Sind were closely united to the Presidency, so closely as for instance Guzerat or the Deccan, our advancement all along the line would be much greater, while now cribbed, cabined and confined within our narrow limits, and living under an administration which is not much influenced by the march of

Events and Public opinion in the Presidency. We move too slowly for the times, and our social, material and moral progress is impeded. The local press is in its infancy, and it is not easy for us to get the influential Bombay press to take strong interest in the affairs of our Province to the extent it may be desired. The result of all this is, that the amount of annoyance, hardship and oppression borne by the people at the hands of small officials and others is much greater than that endured by people in other parts of the Presidency. Such are some of the many disadvantages and disabilities from which Sind has been suffering in spite of the general progress which the presidency proper has made. Let me however; hope that better times for Sind are coming and that this Conference will help in drawing the sympathy of Bombay towards us. If it succeeds in doing this, and in inducing the press and the Government of Bombay to take a more lively interest in our affairs, it will have accomplished a great deal, and its memory will be greatly cherished by the people of Sind. While referring to these matters, I must not omit to say that we owe a deep debt of gratitude to Government for the many blessing conferred on the Province during the last fifty years. We have had the good fortune to have a succession of able and earnest men as Commissioners in Sind who were endowed with great personal energy and resourcefulness, and some of whom were possessed of a rare sympathy and affection for the people of this Province, and I can not allow this occasion to pass without publicly expressing the immense debt of gratitude which the Sindhis owe to them. Gentlemen, I shall not take up more of your valuable time, but before concluding, I may be permitted to ask you to excuse us for any shortcomings that you may have no in our arrangements and for any inconvenience that you might have been put to on that account. I beg leave to assure you that such shortcoming will be found to be solely due to our inexperience in such matters, and not to any absence of solicitude on our part for your comfort. On behalf of the Reception Committee and the people again bid you once more a most cordial

welcome, and thank you sincerely for having accepted our invitation and for having attended this Conference at such personal inconvenience.

(THE SIND GAZETTE, DATED 5^TH MAY, 1896 PAGE NO: 6)

3^RD SINDH PROVINCIAL CONFERENCE

HELD AT LARKANA

1916

SINDH  PROVINACIL CONFERENCE

HELD AT LARKANA

Opening Proceedings

The session of the third Sind Provincial Conference commenced at 8 a.m. today (April 21, 1916). The president was escorted to pandal by the volunteers and members of the reception committee. Among those on the dais were the Hon. Mr. Harchandrai Vishindas, Seth Lokamal Chellaram, and Messrs. Mathradas Ramchand, Gopaldas Jhamatmal and Chagla. About 800 were present.

            After songs of welcome, Mr. Lalchand Navalrai, chairman of the reception committee, read out his welcome speech, the main points of which were as follows:-

LARKANA CITY

            Larkana can not lay claim to the pretensions of the two towns wherein the first and the second provincial conference were held, neither can it compare with the beauteous sights and river bank of Sukkur nor the ancient association of Hyderabad, the former metropolis of Sind. Its history goes so far back only as the reign of the Kalhoras. There exists to this day the ancient dome called the shrine of “Shah Baharo” situated on the North of the “Ghar” canal which reminds you of the architecture of those times. “Ghar canal” the northern boundary of the two proper is a navigable channel through which we carry our agriculture produce to, and hold commerce with several parts of Sind. The picturesque scenery on its bank and the shady groves of trees afford rest and relief to the wayfarers during the heat of the summer. Larkana shares with the rest of Upper Sind the extremes of heat and cold. But during the inundation season the strings of country craft which line the two sides of the canal present a very attractive spectacle and Larkana is well worth a holiday trip during the fruit season.

            Once there flourished here the art of scene painting as can be witnessed in the Library building which is the handiwork of an old Sindhi painter. But it exists no more owing to the lack of encouragement. So also town market exhibits species of the old art of engraving on brass and alloyed metals.

            Larkana is rightly described as the “Garden of Sind” the proof of which you find in the tall and shady trees scattered round about everywhere. They are conspicuous by their presence even in this pandal, providing you with shade and comfort. The south of the town presents to you a modern look with its red bricked dwellings which marks its latest growth owing to the town being raised to the dignity of the head quarters of a district and a seat of the district court.

            You may be aware Gentlemen, that Larkana was once only a part of the Shikarpur District, afterwards renamed as Sukkur District, and has been only a few years back made into a separate self-contained district, thus gaining considerable in importance. It is expected that it will one day realize the long deferred hope of possessing a (Solemnly promised) Government High School.

LARKANA DISTRICT

            The District as you all know is the most fertile area in Sind and therefore the principal exporting centre of agricultural produce through the port of Karachi abroad. Gentlemen, the great world war has made its effects felt here as elsewhere. The cramping of the agriculturist’s credit originally brought about by bank failures has been intensified by the disruption between capital and labor caused by the war. At the same time it must be recognized that conditions would have been hopelessly worse not only in this district but all over the British Empire, the entire trade would have been crippled and exports and imports come to a standstill had not the British Navy, with its traditions of invincibility, kept the seas clear and immune from the enemy’s devilish sea craft for which the world is exceedingly grateful. Let us therefore send forth our united and devout prayers that success may ultimately attend the arms of the allies who are fighting the cause of righteousness and justice for the protection of the weak against brute force.

CONFERNCE

            Considering how the Indian National Congress has firmly stood its ground after so many vicissitudes, it would be superfluous to justify its existence and recount its manifold achievements. Provincial conference like this not only serve as feeders of the congress, but also are intended to deal with local and provincial question which for their multitude and variety would be too impracticable for discussion in the congress, which should confine itself to questions of all importance, whilst admitting that in getting local grievances redressed and local needs satisfied a good deal depends on the sympathetic attitude of the authorized, I may also be permitted to say that moderate and considerate methods and perseverance will go a long way towards accomplishment. To this and joint action by assemblies like the present conference is a great necessity. The justification for a separate conference for Sind can be described in no better terms than those of the President of the Sind Conference of 1908. He observed “you will thus realize that for its peculiar land tenure, agrarian conditions and special maladies like Rasai (to which I may be permitted to add the cursed dacoities), and more specially for its isolated position from the presidency proper, Sind is so circumstanced that it can not have its grievances adequately ventilated, if it were lumped together with the rest of the presidency in a provincial conference, where the interests of the whole presidency, would have to be taken into consideration.”

            We are no doubt a part and parcel of the Bombay presidency but with the least intention to offend and with the utmost deference to the leaders in the presidency. I must say we are neglected part. Gentlemen, we are known there as people of the desert and little wonder that sunshine or rather moonshine in the open is the only thing they can spare for us. I am more sorry than any one else that we have not availed ourselves to the full of the benefits of our conferences and failed to follow the advice of our popular President of the Sind Provincial Conference of “1908 That the torch of patriotism lighted to-day might be kept burning for ever” He continued. “For I put you in the words of the strongest recommendation not to allow your energies to die out on the termination of this gathering but to continue holding such meetings year after year changing the venue according to circumstances and to enable all parts of the province to take their proper share”. It was good of Hyderabad, indeed to have kept loyal to this exhortation; Karachi went even farther by holding a session of the Indian National Congress in the year 1913. But we Shikarpur and Larkanaies have no defense for our remissness except the ordinary “Better late than never”.

SPECIAL OF THE CONEFERNCE

            The prophetic words of our late lamented R.S. Pessumal Zoukiram in his address as chairman of the reception Committee of the Sukkur conference have come to be true. Describing the relations between the two great communities of Sind the Hindus and Muhammadans “The two eyes of India” he observed “Education is spreading far and wide and the work of enlighten is spreading a pace. If but one indigenous Muhammadan of the purest ray serene rises amongst the Muhammadans they will soon be made to realize that we shall be one in heart and soul and act in union. Gentlemen, this is being realized in the present conference. You have before you the cream of the Muhammadan community of Sind shouldering the wheel side by side with their Hindu brethren. The new awakening is coming and the old relations of amity and accord are returning. We stand united on one platform on our way to the realization of our common destiny under the guidance of a leader whose singleness of purpose and public spirit have won for him the admiration of all communities in Sind. This, Gentlemen is the special feature of the present year’s conference. In this connection I must congratulate my friends Serai Shah Mahomed Lahori the General Secretary whose sincere exertions at all stages of preparation for this conference have been invaluable.

CRIME AND UNREST

            It should not be the province of this address to run through the entire catalogue of topics to be considered at this conference. That work more appropriately comes within the purview of the President Elect and the other speakers. But I shall not be trespassing upon the domain of those speakers if I touched upon some of the question that concerned my district.

            Pax Britannica is the legitimate boast of the British rule in India. Ever since the establishment of that rule people of this country have regarded the protection of life and property as their most priceless heritage. But that protection as received a rude shock in the spirit of lawlessness and crime abroad in this district. People live in a constant state of terror and panic. Dacoits have torn the district from one end to the other. Turn to any direction and you hear the wail of the people that villains and vagabonds are let loose on us. The darkest feature of almost every dacoity is the burning of bannias account books. What may be the cause of all this? In the Sind conference of 1908 question came up for discussion. The crime was then in its infancy. Dacoities committed could be counted on one’s finger’s ends. Now they are beyond enumeration. The main cause then assigned was the increasing poverty of the agriculture classes and the absolute loss of their credit resulting in their resort to plunder rather than economic adjustments to satisfy their wants. Government was asked to appoint a mixed committee of officials and non-officials to determine the root cause of this diabolical crime and suggest measures for its extirpation. Nothing came of the request and thing have gone from bad to worse. Dacoits are known to say that of all crimes under the penal code the easiest to commit and the most difficult to detect is dacoity. You have only to wear garb of a wolf and lamb has to give way. The inefficiency and the corruption of the subordinate police and the lowering down of the standard of magisterial independence have contributed not a little to the permanence of this state of things. The covering attitude of the subordinate magistracy, their absolute dread of the police carrying tales to higher quarters of their refusal to regard themselves a check on police or a protection against their vagaries are some the main springs for this state of affairs. It serves the police to have their record of convictions kept up and it serves the magistrates to have no trouble with the police and there the matter ends. It is for Government to lay its fingers on the plague spot and administer the remedy. We can not make our cries sufficiently loud this monster of evil. The Arms Act places our people at disadvantages. Taught from their infancy to look upon arms as forbidden things intended only for the chosen and the elect, bannias have long since ceased to regard themselves as entitled to their use. A stray shot from a gun boy’s hands frightens them out of their wits. Arms intended for the benefits of the innocent and the honest are employed as instruments of oppression against them. It is only the respectable man who lacks arms. A villain has them by the score. The repeal of the Arms Act or its modifications enabling honest people to avail themselves of their protection is a question in the hands of the Congress. We shall let it be discussed and solved there. On the present platform we only ask that Government should undertake to familiarize the respectable classes of people living in outlying villages with the use of arms and fit them for defending themselves. Till this is accomplished, measures should be concerted to protect their person and property by the employment of additional police and the patrolling of important roads and thoroughfares. Some of you will be tempted to ask “But how many police patrols can be provided and after all to what good. Bannias have after all to be thrown on their own resources and left to fight out their own battle in moments of emergency. I concede the justice of this. I only urge that while on the one hand the process of training villagers in the art self defense should be kept in full swing, on the other hand the provision of adequate protection to safe guard them till they are able to safeguard themselves should not be neglected. Gentlemen, when bannias go to District officers for licenses for arms it is often amusing to know the answer flung at them. They are told in all earnestness that fire arms are dangerous things and will explode in their hands. They are also assured that they will be weapons in the hands of dacoits themselves. It is time that these excuses ceased. Men are men when they are taught and trained. Fire arms cease to explode of themselves and dacoits are kept at arm’s length from them when they are handled by men who know how to handle them. Able bodies respectable villagers are anxious to provide themselves with arms and use them for purpose of defense only if they be given freedom to possess them and opportunities to handle them. Is this too much for Government to allow? Is it too much for District officers to issue free licenses to decent people and provide them with means to learn the use of arms? A little effort put out in this direction will raise a host of voluntary workers anxious and able to stand out and save the situation.

CHAPTE VIII CRIMINAL PROCEDURE CODE

            I pass on the consideration of the Badmash chapter in the Criminal Procedure code as a subject cognate to the above. It is said to be our savior at the time of need. The stock argument always advanced is that where crime is freely committed the police should have a free hand in hauling up individuals as badmashes. The argument is all right when you have the might of the executive to manifest only once that is when you want momentary consternation to have a momentary effect. But when crime persists and you proceed to substitute amateur inferences for skillful investigation and arm your selves with powers continuously to punish for things which you can not prove, it is time to cry half. Gradually but with certainty you are sliding into the abyss of inefficiency and power in the hands of inefficient   is worse than no power at all. This must stop. You know how many innocents are sacrificed at the alter of this chapter VIII every year. Lately the Commissioner in Sind issued orders limiting the operation of the chapter to individuals spotted by higher class police officers on personal investigation. The results show little improvement. Only the ostensible mover of the machinery is now different but the real mover is the identical Sub Inspector, his staff and his advisers. Patient and deliberate consideration leads only to one conviction viz that if the chapter is to stand, the police should have nothing to do with working it. The experiment would be worth trying to have a Taluka. Jigra headed by the Taluka magistrate to investigate and spot an individual as a badmash and then sent him up for trial. The present cry of the police to hound every one who in their view is obnoxious must cease. It is true that Jirga will in turn be subjected to insidious influences but combination of disinterested individuals as umpire from different place are most likely in the long run to outlive those influences. What is wanted is public opinion, educated and enlightened being brought to bear on the subject to clear the cobwebs of confusion and misapprehension. To sum up, embolden and train villagers to fight the dacoits, pending training, afford them adequate safeguards of increased police patrols, improve the efficiency of the police, withdraw the portentous power vested in them by chapter VIII Criminal procedure code, remind that wrong conviction is a most pernicious substitute for skillful investigation. Let the magistracy realize their responsibility and duty to the protector of the poor, and I assure you Gentlemen, nine tenths of the battle will have been won. Brethren you will pardon my dilating on this subject a little longer than would be permissible but the acute distress of this district in this regard is my only excuse for this tax on your patience.

JUSTICE

            The administration of justice on the civil side also needs attention. The cumbrous machinery is clogged and grinds slow. The draft on one’s time and purse is enormous. Some agency effective economical needs to be discovered to release the civil courts of a portion of their fighter works and have judges time to handle more important work. The revival of panchayat system is likely to be of use in this direction. The experiment is undertaken at Mardas. It might be undertaken in Sind. The village panchyat system is not yet extinct though with the growth of individualism it threatens to dissolve. In the present unorganized condition the panchayts are doing an amount of useful work. Given life, status and definite scope for action, their activities will be fruitful. The development of the principles of Local self Government proceeding now at a tardy pace will receive a marked impetus.

AGRICULTURE

            Our needs on the Revenue side of the administration are many. Ours is an agriculture district and agrarian problem need tackling. Our president elect has in hand some of the most important of these subjects vize the extension of the10 years terms of settlements, the abolition of the fallow rules, the revision of the remission rules and kindred matters. I will only touch on one matter viz the baneful practice of Rasai.

RASSAI

            Rassai is yet rampant in Sind. we are rebuked that our Zamindars are responsible for it. While this is partly true. We can not say that this is the whole truth. The receivers are more responsible than the givers. The position of the givers is weak and they have an eye to their interests. The receivers have low paid agents who have of necessity to act as intermediaries. The vice still continuous as merrily as ever. Only lately after the Hyderabad scandal, the Commissioner in Sind issued a drastic circular enjoining all concerned to see the last of the  thing, but human foibles have a knack of lingering. The thing shriveled and showed signs of decay but did not die at the root. With the next season it had more of life infused in it. We know that in some districts strenuous efforts were put forth by the District officers to grapple with the problem and the results achieved were hopeful. Unfortunately the disease is again showing signs of a relapse in some districts, but might be saved by timely action from above. The strain of times is making things unbearable and the hateful system needs to be stopped at all costs.

CONCLUSION

            Brethren! I will not detain you longer with my address. Various other matters affecting the material prosperity of Sind and the advancement of its people, their manifold aims and aspirations will be the subject matter of deliberation by you all. Once again, I offer to you a cordial welcome to our own town and hope that your deliberations will lead to fruitful results and the general amelioration of our condition. Before I sit down, I must tender my warmest thanks to our worthy and saintly Collector Mr. Blathwayte for the readiness with which he has given us what help we have required of him. My thanks in a large measure are also due to my colleagues on the various committees especially Mr. Virusing Kimatsing who have spread no pains to make the arrangements as satisfactory as it has been possible for them to do. (The daily Gazatte, dated April 24, 1916 page 10)

FURTHER PROCEEDINGS

            The Hon. Mr. Harichandrai proposed Mr. Bhurgri to the chair in the following terms:-

            “Mr. Bhurgri stands at the top of political life in Sind. he has been chiefly instrumental in bridging over the gulf between the two chief communities of Sind, Muhammadans and Hindus. He belongs to that band of great devoted patriots of the type of Messrs. Gokhale, Mazhar ul Haque and Jinnah who strenuously worked for bringing about a better understanding between these two communities. There stands a good deal more to his credit. First he was a zealous and devoted follower of the late Hon. Mr. Gokhale and loyally supported him in the imperial council in the cause of free compulsory education. In those days the opposition was too great and the measure for free compulsory education did not pass. Since then it has become evident that free compulsory education is necessary. Next the Hon. Mr. Bhurgri is always present at every meeting of the Bombay Legislative Council and there has been no occasion when he has not been ready with a suggestion, an amendment or a resolution during the last 8 years. His services for the improvement of the condition of the agricultural community have been great and the agriculturists have every reason to be thankful to the hon, gentlemen for his endeavors. He was chiefly instrumental in getting the appointment of the Commission for Settlement and it is hoped that the period of settlement will be increased to what extent it remains to be seen. In him I see the realization of the prophetic words of the late R.B. Pessumal Zoukiram who said “ I look forward to the time when the two communities, Hindus and Muhammadans, will join hands and met on a common platform”. Yesterday he was taunted with being pro-Hindu. That instead of being a reproach is, I, believe a recommendation. Another great and invaluable service that he can be credit with is that as a Zamindar and as a business man he has introduced many improvements in agriculture and thrift in the life of the Hari. The other Zamindars are lacking in that spirit. I firmly believe that in him we have a leader who deserves our utmost confidence”.

            Mr. Lokamal Chellaram who seconded the resolution said:- “I second the proposal with the greatest pleasure, I invite all present to join me in requesting the Hon. Mr. Bhurgri to take the chair. In him we have a leader who is always foremost in the cause of public weal. I remember that when he joined the Congress at Karachi he was submitted to a most scathing attack by the English daily of Karachi; but when has that paper ever desired to see any eminent Indian doing anything for our country? I trust the representative of that paper is here and if he has not heard I shall repeat it for him that the Daily Gazette never wants any Indian to interest himself in the cause of India. But its attacks are worthless and fit to be thrown in the waste-paper basket. Hon. Mr. Bhurgri is one of those Indians who disregarding their comfort and ease, throwing their pleasure to the wind have taken upon themselves the arduous task of serving their country. He ranks with our great patriots, the late Sir P. M. Metha, Gokhale and Dadabhai Naoroji. India is passing through a most critical time, I mean the war. War is one of the greatest scourges that can be sent by divine displeasure to devastate this world. Yet at this terrible time India has an opportunity of showing the most devoted loyally. At such a critical time the barque of our affairs should be under the control of a skillful guide of the type of Mr. Bhurgri so that our work yields rich fruit. In selecting him as our president it is not we who honour him but in accepting it the confers an honour on us.”

            Mr. Gopaldas Jhamatmal rising in support said:- “this pleasant task has been entrusted to me. I suppose because I hail from the same place as Hon. Mr. Bhurgri, I mean Hyderabad which he has made fragrant with good works. He is a barrister and had he cared to earn he could have easily enriched himself. It is true that he is rich, but there are few rich men who conquer their desire to accumulate more. It is his to this credit that he possesses no such desire. His work in the cause of Muhammadan education has been specially praiseworthy. Moreover he is a staunch Congressman having his opinion on truth and experience. We Hyderabadis have special reason to be grateful to him for his earnest endeavors to avert the disgrace of suspension of the Hyderabad Municipality. He sympathized with us in our sorrow then and I trust that he will shortly share our joy when we get this suspension removed. The Hon. Mr. Bhurgri is guided by the same motto as Mr. Mazhar ul Haque which is ‘An Indian first, and Indian next and an Indian afterwards in short nothing but an Indian.”

            Seria Shah Muhammad Lahori rising in support said :”The Hon. Mr. Bhurgari is one of whom we Zamindars have every reason to feel highly proud. No Zamindar has as yet shown himself possessed of as lofty a purpose as he. He has served India loyalty in company with the great Gokhale and Sir Pheroze Shah Mehta. I have personal knowledge of his popularity and the esteem in which he is held. During the last few years I have traveled widely and in connection with my election matter. I have had go to every part of Sind and in these travels I have been struck with the influence his name has everywhere.”

            Mr. Bhojsing:- “Though the Hon. Mr. Bhurgari is not known to me personally yet fame has blown wide enough for me to be aware of his good qualities and great abilities. When opinions were invited in the Press about the selection of a president, the unanimous choice fell upon Hon. Mr. Bhurgari, and I am convinced that it could not have fallen upon a worthier man. The reason of his unanimity of opinion is that as soon as he entered public life he honestly endeavoured to unite the Hindus and Muhammadans. Many difficulties must have crossed his path and at time he must have felt discouraged at the antagonistic attitude of many of his friends, but may it be said to his credit that he remained staunch to his purpose and proceeded unwavering on the path of duty. Time was when our officials even did not regard the idea of union with much favour, but now even our Government is ready and willing to help to bring about a better understanding between the two communities. This may be solely attributed to the Hon. Gentleman. In all the commissions and committees of inquiry appointed during the last few years in Sind or the Bombay Presidency. Mr. Bhurgri has had a hand. He was the father of the Muhannadan educational Cess bill which had to be withdrawn. Though he failed he has been end endeavoring his utmost in cause of Muhammadan education, and as a result of his efforts 36 male scholars are receiving education free of cost. He has interested the Government from the Viceroy down to the Commissioner in the cause of Moslem education. Beneficial results are bound to accrue therefrom.

            Mulchand Pessumal, Kishendas and Abdul Aziz who followed said a few words eulogizing Mr. Bhurgri.

            The proposal was put to the vote and unanimously carried. The Hon. Mr. Bhurgri took the chair amidst loud applause. He was garlanded.

            Mr. Bhurgari commenced the proceedings by calling upon the secretary, Serai Shah Muhammad Lahori to read the letters and telegrams from some distinguished people who pleaded their inability to attended. A telegram from Mrs. Annie Besant and letters from Mr. Wacha, Mr. Gandhi, Mir Ayub Khan, Hon. Mr. Paranjpye, Sir Ibrahim Rahimtoolah and Dr. Dhalla were read. Hon. Mr. Mr. Paranjpye wrote “……… I send my best wishes for the conference. A complete network of conference is needed for political and educational progress. Sind which has been spoken of as being backward is doing well to hold a conference. These are signs of progress.”

            The President read his speech.

            Mr. Hafiz, bar-at-law, read some important passages from a Sindhi translation of the president’s speech.

            The president declared that all proceeding would be in Sindhi.

            A subjects committee was elected and the sitting of the conference adjourned to 5.30 p.m.

            Later on the following business was transacted:-

            Resolution No. 1. – “That this meeting records its deep sense of loyalty to the British Government and prays for its success in the present war” was moved from the chair and passed unanimously with all those present standing.

            Resolution No.2 – “That this meeting records its deep sense of loss sustained by the community by the death of Gopal Krishna Gokhale and sir Pherozshah M. Mehta” it was moved from the chair and passed unanimously, all those present standing.

            Hon. Mr. Harchandrai proposed --- “That this conference is strongly of the opinion that as the Government of a Governor in Council is more desirable than the Government of a single individual and as the reasons on account of which by Act V of 1868 the powers of a Governor and council were delegated to the Commissioner in Sind have disappeared and are non existence. Act V of 1868 be repealed and the Government of Sind carried on as in the rest of the Bombay Presidency.”

            Hon. Mr. Harchandrai said:- “This is not the first time that this resolution has been put forth by me. The Bombay presidency is divided into four parts viz. the Southern Division, The Central Division, the Northern Division and Sind. the first three parts had Commissioners but they were not invested with the powers of a Governor in Council. It is only in Sind that the Commissioner enjoys such power. I will briefly tell you how the Commissioner came to have such powers. In 1843 when Sind was first conquered, Sir Charles Napier was appointed Governor. He left in 1847 and a Commissioner was appointed in his place that was invested with full powers, Revenue, Judicials. In 1868

When Mansfield was Commissioner, Act V of 1868 was passed. The reasons given by Government were that Sind was very distant from Bombay. The Sind Gazetteer has it that Sind was”……….. an uncivilized, unimproved place, difficult to get at and difficult to get away from.” Gentlemen these conditions do not hold good now. Railway communication has brought Sind considerably near to Bombay and with a direct line from Badin we would be nearer still. In spite of this, this Act continues in force entailing great hardship on us. Under a Governor in Council we will certainly be better off than we now are. No doubt some commissioners have been very good, but when the question lies between a civilian with the powers of a Governor on the one hand and a Governor in Council on the other, certainly the latter would be the better of the two. This question has been often considered, and a Governor in Council has been preferred. Moreover, Dharwar, Belgum and Ratnagiri are more distant than Sind. At the last Bombay Provincial Conference at Poona it was brought to the notice of the Government that better communication with Ratnagiri was urgently needed. These places are being governed directly by the Bombay Government and it is difficult to understand why it should be otherwise with Sind. Karachi has risen considerably in importance so much so that some thought it fit to be made the metropolis of India, and yet this important place should be under the control of a single individual is something hard to understand. It will be better if we are separated from Bombay than remain as we are and join Punjab as the President said in his speech”.

Mr. Gopaldas Jhamatmal while seconding Mr. Harchadrai said:- “By the preamble of Act V of 1868 it is provided that the Commissioner should be invested with only some powers of the Governor in Council, but in effect the Commissioner has been given virtually all the powers e.g. under the Bombay Police Act, under the Bombay Municipal Act, under the Civil and Criminal Procedure codes and also under the Defense of India Act. As a result the destinies of Sind are placed under the control of one single individual un helped by any Council. If remaining with Bombay was possible only on these terms then I for one would prefer to have Sind joined to the Punjab. At one time Act V of 1868 may have been necessary but the times are changed and now no such necessity exists. Sind has not got sufficient number of representatives in the Bombay Legislative Councils. As regard the Imperial Council we get the right of representation by turn. It seems as if the Minto – Morley reforms were never calculated to do us any good.”

(The Daily Gazette, Dated April 25, 1916 page No. 10)

FURTHER PROCEEDINGS

Discussion was continued upon the motion proposed by the Hon. Mr. Harchandral Vishindas with regard to the desirability of government by a Governor in Council rather by a single individual and advocating the repeal of the Act whereby wide powers were delegated to the Commissioner in Sind.

            Mr. Abdur Rahman said:- “It must have struck you as curious that three pleaders should be entrusted with his resolution. You must by no means presume that they are the only class aggrieved. All classes of people are much affected by the present system and the sooner it is removed the better. No doubt lawyers can understand better than any others the defects and beauties of any administrative system and they are the most competent to criticize it. On former occasions Indians have dwelt upon the necessity of governors and high officials of state possessing Parliamentary experience. That experience is desirable one, because the British Parliament is reputed to be the best and most efficient administrative body in the world, a body of which the British people are justly proud. It is presumed that one having Parliamentary experience must possess the highest administrative qualities. Sind is unfortunate in not being governed by one possessing the above qualities from Parliamentary experience. Another thing that strikes me as most ridiculous is that Sind should send its representative to the Bombay Legislative Council to advise a Governor on the government of Sind when he has little to do with that province, the actual government being in the hands of the Commissioner. The rule of a Governor in Council is a form of Government and no matter how able Commissioner we may have had, it is desirable that the rule of a single individual should cease. The president in his speech referred to Sind being joined to the Punjab. God keep us from that union! You all know the familiar proverb about Punjabis, and the benefits some Punjabi officers imported here have conferred on us are no secret from you. Next as to Baluchistan. The raids of Brohis have robbed us of our peace, and were we placed under the same government as those savage people. I have little hope for our future. We must remain joined to Bombay, because all our educational progress is due to our being a part of the Bombay Presidency. By a separation from Bombay our educational progress would be blocked, a result which should be avoided at all costs. The only thing we want is to be governed by the Governor in Council as the rest of the Presidency, and I hope that you will heartily join in passing this resolution.”

            The president:- “Before I put this resolution to the vote I may tell you that a few days back, a high official of State was traveling with me. From him I learnt that the question of separating Sind from the Bombay Presidency and joining it either to the Punjab or to Baluchistan was receiving the serious consideration of the Government of India. As between the Punjab and Baluchistan the former would certainly be preferable.”

The resolution was unanimously carried.

Dacoities

            Mr. Bhojsing moved the fourth resolution:-

            “Whereas serious dacoities have created a panic in Sind, particularly in the Larkana district, this Conference desires to draw the attention of the Government and humbly suggests that a mixed committee of officials and non-officials  be appointed which may investigate and find out means for preventing this form of crime.”

            Mr. Bhojsing said: “This question has a special importance for Larkana, for the people of this district have suffered more than any other from these dacoities. It is not easy to lay one’s finger on their root causes, neither is this the fitting place to say what changes are required in administration to check this terrible crime. At present we think it fit to ask for the appointment of a committee of inquiry, and no more. In every civilized country it has been the duty of the police to maintain order and investigate crime. In this district, which has a very severe officer as District Superintendent of Police, commonly called the “Captain Sahib” whose honesty and energy can not be questioned, and when the police force is larger than in any  other part of Sind, it is not easy to understand why dacoities should be such common occurrence. My experience of twenty years as lawyers has taught me, and Mr. Lal chand Navalria (chairman of the reception committee) agree with me, that dacoities are the most serious kind of crime. Murders are matters of the moment – sudden provocation, an ill-directed blow or drunkenness may well bring them about. But a dacoity is always premeditated, and causes great disturbance in the public peace. The D.S.P. is honest energetic and has been doing his utmost to check this crime, but without avail. Perhaps greater vigilance and honesty is required from the subordinate police and greater firmness on the part of the magistracy. I regret to say both are lacking. It is the business of the police to challan criminals. It is the duty of the magistrate to administer justice. If a magistrate sees no case against accused he must discharge him. It is also his business to expose the vagaries of the police. But a magistrate has the apprehension that he will displease his superior officers by discharging a police case, the result will necessarily be disastrous. Injustice will be done by just the person whose sacred duty to administer justice. The weakness of magistracy, the corruption of the subordinate police must be inquired into. The condition of the Zamindars is growing more and more wretched. It is well known by what means they are terrorized. All this has led an increase in crime, and a committee of inquiry is absolutely necessary. To a very great extent the remedy lies in the hands of the District Magistrate. You all know that some time back, when the cry against dacoities became loud and general, Mr. Hudson was as Collector. During the three months of his office peace to a great extent was restored. This is an instance of what a district magistrate can do. If a committee is appointed, as we hope it will be, the Zamindars should be given distantly to understand that no harm will befall them for stating their opinions freely and boldly before the committee. It will be well if government nominates some pleaders also on the committee for as between the people and Government they are not afraid of speaking out the truth. The pleaders and the Zamindars should be taken into confidence. Even those suspected under S. 110 Crime. Pro. Code should be consulted for this indeed is a serious question and Government ought to avail itself of information and suggestions from every possible quarter”.

            Mr. Virusing, who seconded, said that he belonged to the district where dacoities were most rampant. He had been to several villages with cases before Mukhtiarkars, and his inquiries had made him fully aware of the terror under which the villagers live. The condition of the Banias was pitiable. Not a night passed but they had the constant dread of a visit from dacoits. Many people who could had left the villagers and gone to towns, leaving houses and lands behind them. The case of those who could not avail themselves of the expediency of shifting from villages could readily be imagined. These dacoits commenced in the year 1902. In 1906 there were 8 dacoities – in the first which occurred in Johi Taluka documents and books of account of Banias were destroyed. In the second, who took place in Kakar Taluka, the police was robbed of a rifle. In 1907 there were 10 dacoities. In 1908 there were three and one in 1911. In 1915 and 1916 there have been dacoities one after the other, in which rifles have been used with frequent loss of life. Some labor under the wrong impression that pleaders take pleasure in the increase of dacoities. It is not so. The pleaders are as ardently desirous as others that this sort of crime be put down. Let a committee be appointed to find out the causes and suggest measures.

            Mr. Shumsoodin Balbul said that Government was not doing all that it could be stop these pernicious dacoities. The severest punishments have been inadequate to check the crime. It was necessary that the question should be carefully sifted by a committee of inquiry. The committee should not consist of officials only but non officials, men of character and trust, should be appointed and not mere Jo-hukums. He further suggested that it would be better if those dacoities were tried by Jirgash, which might be formed where none existed at present.

Mr. Jan Muhammad Juneejo, bar-at-law, said that two causes were generally attributed to these dacoities. First that the Zamindars were at the bottom of them, and second that the police were at the bottom. Twenty years ago the Zamindars were much respected by the Government officers and they commanded an influence of which they have not even a shadow at present. Day by the Zamindars were being thrust backwards, though they had more education now that formerly. This might be attributed to the police who have its eyes constantly on the pockets of the Zamindars, not infrequently threatening them with prosecutions under S. 110 of the Crim. Proc. Code or with deprivation of the privilege of carrying arms or getting a chair. The poor Zamindars by these means were easily black mailed and they did not mind paying hundreds of rupees to be left alone. The right of carrying a sword or getting a chair was much prized. A Zamindar did not mind bearing false testimony in police cases to secure these privileges (heavenly in his eyes). It could not be imagined how this class of people would have courage to encourage dacoities. That the police were corrupt and a veracious was an admitted fact. A committee of inquiry would certainly find out where the abuse lay and discover speedy means of checking the Dacoities.

            The resolution was carried unanimously. (The Daily Gazette, dated April 26, 1916 page No. 10)

FURTHER PROCEEDINGS

The fifth resolution discussed by the Sind Provincial Conference at Larkana was:-

“In view of the most unsatisfactory way in which Sec. 110 of the Criminal procedure Code has been used for challenging Badmashes, this Conference is of the opinion that the police should be deprived of that authority under S. 110 and instead the Mukhtiarkar be vested with those powers, and, further, a committee of non-officials be appointed (for each Taluka) to work with the Mukhtiarkar for the purpose of bringing badmashes to book”.

Mr. Santdas Magharam, moving the resolution, said that the Section had been often misused by the police. Some might criticize the pleaders who wanted dacoities to be checked and at the same time wished to deprive the police of those powers. But looking to the way in which that authority has been used by the police, and remembering the salutary principle of law that it is better that a hundred criminals go free rather than one innocent man to suffer, he urged those present to pass the resolution. Few of the real badmashes were ever brought to book. This Section was largely used to satisfy private enmity, to blackmail innocent people and in cases even to deprive poor Muhammadans of their lawfully wedded wives. He was engaged in a badmash case when he had freshly become a pleader, somewhere in Thar. At the Mukhtiarkar’s manzil he learnt that only a few away there was a regular settlement of criminals who committed thefts and dealt in stolen property which they sent off to Jaisalmere for disposal, getting in exchange stolen property to be disposed of in Sind. He learnt to his surprise that the members of the police there each received a fixed sum monthly. It was a hold statement to make but he made it, as the record of that would prove that that was the defence urged by the accused in that badmash case, a defense which substantiated by poor. The police officer had asked for a bribe of Rs. 300 which the accused refused to give. It would be better it Chapter 8 of the Criminal Procedure Code disappeared altogether. But if the existence of the chapter were deemed necessary the Mukhtiarkars should be given power, which they should use only in consultation with the committee of non-officials.

            Rais Abdullah Khan Tunio seconded, agreeing with Mr. Santdas on every point. The present state of affairs was intolerable and if power is given to the Mukhtiarkars with a committee of non officials to help them, it was hoped that considerable improvement would be effected.

            The resolution was carried unanimously.

Rasai

            Serai Shah Muhammad  Lahori moved the following resolution:- “While thanking those officers who have endeavored to stop the pernicious system of Rasai, this Conference expresses its disappointment at the continuance of this system, inflicting great hardship on the Zamindars, and strongly recommends that the touring period of officials in all departments and the strength of their establishments should be decreased. Also contractors should be appointed from the headquarter of each Taluka to supply provisions to the officers in the Taluka, and revenue officials and their subordinates should cease to have anything to do with the matter of supplying provisions”. He said that the condition of the Zamindars was no secret from anybody. All were aware of the dread and fear which the Zamindars entertained during the touring season. It was the business of the district officers to allay their grievances. The circulars of the commissioner regarding Rasai had produced no perceptible result; on the contrary the rule had gone up from 1 to 1 ½  annas to 2 to 2 ½  annas. The Zamindars were given contracts, but they did not know how to recover the money, neither had they been taught how to use the Bania’s

Balance in weighting provisions. There should be contractors well versed in these affairs. As regards the benefits derived from the tours of district officers the least said the better. No one would regret the total stopping of tours, which should at least be curtailed and confined to Taluka headquarters, just as Col. Alfred Mayhew, a very popular officer, used to do. Those gentlemen never moved outside the district headquarters with more than two or three servants, and never gave more trouble to the Zamindars than he could possibly help. The Tapedar’s lapa was also a serious burden on the Zamindars. The only means he could think of to stop it was that the Tapedar, like the Zaildar in the Punjab, should be appointed from one of the Zamindars of the Taluka to collect rent and hand it in to the treasury, or in the alternative the Zamindars should be given free postal money orders to enable them to send in their revenue assessment free of cost direct to the treasury without having anything to do with the Tapedar. The farce of going and saying to the Mukhtiarkar that the Tapedar has taken no lapo was still more annoying. There was absolutely no sense in that procedure, Rasai had sucked the blood of the Zamindars dry, and the Government ought to adopt the suggestion of the resolution put into practice for the sake of the Zamindars.

            Mr. Madhoods, of Garhi Yasin, who seconded the resolutions, gave a practical illustration from his personal experience. There being some difference of opinion between the sub-inspector of police of his Taluka and himself, the Collector thought it necessary to visit Mr. Madhoodas’s lands to make personal local investigation. Mr. Madhoods had got a particular spot cleared for the Collector’s camp, but the peons would not pitch the tent there. Another spot was selected which was got ready. The peons wanted bukhsheesh which Madhoodas declined to give. Thereupon began his troubles. Milk jar after jar was spoiled by the peons and Mr. Madhoodas finally ordered all the cattle in his village to be taken to the Collector’s camp to be milked under personal supervision. Then it was that peons were brought their sense. The Collector came to know of his peon’s mischief and expressed his regret to Mr. Madhoodas’s. The matter was decided in Mr. Madhoodas’s favour. But such officers were rare. Had there been any other officer but the one actually there Mr. Madhoodas’s position would have been critical indeed. The evils of Rasai were manifold and should be stopped by all possible means, so that Zamindars may be ably to breathe freely.

            The resolution was unanimously carried.

Self-Government for India

            On the proceedings being resumed upon the second day the president moved the following resolution:- “That this Conference sends hearty congratulations to the All India Congress Committee and the Moslem League which are meeting at Allahabad to day and sincerely prays for the success of the resolution of self government for India, which these two association  have to consider and pass. The president is request to wire this resolution to them at Allahabad”.

            On being put to the vote the resolution was unanimously carried.

The next resolution was also moved from the chair on the question of allowing Indians to be volunteers and giving them Commissions in the army and navy. It also was unanimously carried.

            Mr. Mathrades moved that this Conference is of the opinion that the time has arrived when according to the Congress rules c1. 1, steps should be taken for advancing local self-government i.e. reforms should be introduced in the administration of the country so to as give a greater control to the people e.g.

• Provincial autonomy along with financial autonomy.
• Legislative councils should be so increased and reformed as to properly represent all classes of people, and they should have greater control over the executive councils.
• The present executive councils should be reformed and provinces not possessing executive councils should be given executive councils.
• The India Council should either be abolished or reformed.
• Provinces not possessing legislative councils should be given legislative councils.
• The relative position of the Secretary of state and the Government of India should be definitely determined.
• Local self-government should be more encouraged than it has been up to now.

            Mr. Mathradas said that the resolution was one which had received considerable attention at the last Congress, where it was duly passed. India had rendered great service to the Empire during the present Armageddon which had been appreciated throughout the world. There was talk of the change of the angle of vision and expectations ran high that political reforms of a far-reaching character would be introduced in India after the war. India wanted nothing more than what had been given to Ireland and the colonies and that was self-government within the Empire under the suzerainty of Great Britain. The resolution had met with the approval of the Moslem League, and at Allahabad the All India Congress Committee and the Moslem League had met to prepare a scheme. The function of the conference was not to do that but only to make suggestions. The resolution was divided into seven parts. The first concerned financial autonomy. It was anomalous that those who paid the taxes should have no voice in the deliberations of those who spent the money. The principle “no taxation without representation” should be followed. The people should know how the public funds were spent. The second part was about Legislative Councils. As constituted at present Legislative are hardly representative. Officials and nominated members always outnumbered the elected members so that the elected members had not the hardest chance of carrying any proposal. There should be a larger number of elected members; otherwise the people would never have any control. As to executive councils, it was true that one Indian was appointed on each executive council, but the selection had generally been of a man of no abilities, a more statue like sort of person who did no work and had not the capacity to do any. India did not want more figure heads to represent it. That was no representation whatever. Persons who commanded the confidence and trust of the people by their high abilities and independent character were alone worthy of filling such placed. Moreover there should be two Indians instead of one, on each executive council and where executive councils do not exist it was desirable that they should be created. Next as regards the India complaints about that body. It seemed to be a great hindrance in the way of political reform in India. It consisted of retired civilians who had remained in India for 15 years or more, and only two Indians. It was time that the Council, if not altogether abolished were at least considerably reformed. Next, Sind was not the only province without a legislative council; there were others where legislative councils should be brought into being. The position of the Secretary of State was included in the question of the India Council. The last part of the resolution dealt with local self government. The condition of municipalities and local boards was known. There should be more municipalities, which might afford a training ground for self-government. Suspension as of the Hyderabad Municipality, were measure which deprived the people of an opportunity of training themselves. No doubt faults would occur, but it must be remembered that experience teaches and in the end all would come right. Public spirit was inculcated by the presence of public bodies and not by their absence. Local self government in the form of municipalities should be greatly encouraged. Local boards should be given wider powers and freed of official control. Virtually the district officer did everything in the local board. The other members merely bowed to his will. Another

strange thing about local boards was that the Deputy Collector, who was the vice president, was also secretary. He held two conflicting posts, one as master and another as servant. If things went on thus there would be no improvement even in a thousand years. In the report of the Local Boards committee to be published soon, it was to be hoped that something would be done to mend matters.

            Mr. Virumal Begraj of Sukkur, who seconded, was unsparing in his denunciation of so called public leaders who looked more to self interest than to the public good and who made a football of their country to be tossed about here and there at their wills. Talking about the Huzur Deputy Collector he reminded them of the Sukkur Municipality in which a Huzur Deputy Collector had been elected chairman of the managing committee of that Municipality. He said that the Congress had harped for thirty years. On that string i.e. the grant of self government to India. The Indian and British press had cried itself hoarse. All the great Indian leaders Dadhabhai Naoroji (Cheers) Gokhale, (Cheers), Sir Pherozeshah Mehta (loud cheers) and others had demanded self-government in unmistakable terms. John Bright, the great Englishman, had declared India worthy of self government. Indians were often told that they were not yet fit for it. If India had not become fit after 150 years of British rule whose was the fault? Look to Japan. See what immense strides she has made within fifty years. In what way were Indians inferior to the Japanese? Man by nature was born to be free. Each strove for freedom and there was no crime in asking for self government. There was no question of separating from the British, or driving them out. India wanted self government within the empire; R.C. Dutt had shown in his book how India suffered in trade. If India had self government it would immediately stop that. In this war Indians had shed blood and treasure on the battlefields of France. They considered it a duty to stand by England in the hour of her severe trial and had been unstinting in their sacrifices. Did not such loyalty deserve greater trust from our rules? Indians should have greater control in the Secretary of State for India’s Council; they should have a greater control in the budget; and a greater control in the Railways, where the Europeans enjoyed privileges altogether denied to the sons of India. In this country a dacoit could wield arms while an honest man could not. Many Indians had been interned under the Defence of India Act. These anomalies would disappear were India given self government. Liberty and the prosperity of India should be the motto of each Indian, and to realize these, Self-government was essential.(The Daily Gazette, dated 27^th April 1916,p.p.4&5)

FURTHER PROCEEDINGS

            In continuation of the discussion at the Sind Provincial Conference at Larkana on the self Government resolution Mr. Shah Nawaz Pirzada, B.A. , said the resolution meant

Nothing more than asking for gradual progress to the goal of self government for India, on the same lines as the colonies has it, within the Empire. The interests of India would continue to be bound up with those of England, Self government did not mean severance of interests, as could be seen from the example of the colonies, which though self governed had rallied round the Union Jack in Great War. India wanted self government not of the type advocated by Bepin Chandra Pal and Aravindo Ghose, but on the lines advocated by Dadabhai Naoroji. Self government could be had by respectfully asking for it from Government and not by fighting. The argument that Indians were not yet fit for it and that they required time was one not worthy of consideration. That argument could be advanced for ever if India continued as it was. Serious attempts should be made to train Indians by giving them opportunities to manage their local affairs. They would never be fit if no opportunities were given them. It might be asked what Indians want self government for. All high posts were denied to Indians. However able and clever they be, their ambition could not rise to being more than subordinates. No Indian could ever aspire to be a Wellington or a Ghatham or a Pitt, over and above all these considerations of monetary gain there was the predominant consideration of national prestige. Indians must be able to hold up their heads. Gokhale had said “The tallest of us must bow down to the exigencies of time …..” That must cease. Muhammadans might think that they would not gain by self government, and some self interested persons had been telling them all government would be in the hands of Hindus and they would be driven out of India, as the Moors were from Spain. Let the Muhammadans be disabused of that mischievous impression. Indian history had it that during the days of Muhammadan rule, Hindus held very high posts in the army and in other departments of state. Jaswant Singh, a Rajput, held the post of Governor of Kabul, a place peopled solely by Muhammadans. Even during present times Muhammadan states had had Hindu prime ministers. For example Hyderabad Deccan. Thanks to education, the spirit of bigotry was disappearing. Those who had studied the Hindu religion, not with the object of criticizing but with the object of gaining knowledge about it, had found Hinduism an excellent religion. The difference of religion, of which so much advantage was being taken by selfish persons, was due to sheer ignorance. With the increase of education it would disappear, and Hindus and Muhammadans would be benefited in equal degree by self-government for India within the Empire. There was no desire on the of India to separate itself from England. Indians owed a very great deal to England. Education and advanced ideas had been given by England. The Conference pandal contained a motto “Deserve and then Desire”. If the motto meant that Indians did not deserve it was a bad motto Indians deserved, and this childish motto should be discarded. The late Sir Henry Campbell Bannerman, Premier of Great Britain, had said that any kind of self government was better than any other rule, Indians should not be afraid of mistakes in the beginning. They could be rectified with increased experience.

Mr. Shersing said that the ancient history of India showed that the Hindus had a very superior civilization. The vicissitudes of fortune had played strangely with the destinies of India, and for a long time it remained under foreign domination. It was a matter of joy that now they were governed by the British and that British statesmen, such as Lord Ripon, had thought of educating and training Indians for a greater share in their government, Municipalities were instituted in India solely with that object. The time had now come when Hindus and Muhammadans should unitedly ask for self government.

            The resolution was carried unanimously.

Elected Representatives on Municipal Boards.

            Mr. Virusing moved: “ That this conference is of the opinion that Larkana and Rohri should be given the right of electing their representatives on the municipal boards without the least delay and that the same right should be given to towns possessing a population of 5,000 or over, so that the people may be trained for self government. He said that before the people got self government, it concerned them more nearly to get local self government in the form of elected municipalities. Larkana asked for no special favour. It made a legitimate demand, to which it was legally and morally entitled according to the District Municipal Act, which lay down that towns having a population of 3,500 or over should have the right of electing their municipal councilors. Larkana had a population of 16,000. The District Municipal Act further required that for every 1,000 people there should be 20 voters. For 16,000, 320 voters would be necessary, but Larkana had three times that number. All the necessary elements for qualifying Larkana to elect its municipal councilors were there. There could be no reason why the right should be deferred. The present state had continued since 1885 without any change. Form 1885 to the present day the people of Larkana had progressed considerably in education, commerce and other walks of life. The place had been thought fit for having the honour of holding a conference. Neither could the people of Larkana be accused of indifference and laziness in asking for their rights. They had sent petitions which remained unanswered. They had agitated in the press. The only result so for had been that the Government invited the opinion of the existing Municipality which as a matter of course was averse to the granting of the franchise (cries of “shame”). A meeting was then held and the question thoroughly discussed. Some of the municipal councilors were converted and brought over to the side of those who favoured election. The Commissioner was interviewed, and said that the Larkana people were inviting discord but he would consider. No result had been announced of that consideration yet. As regards quarrels, were the framers of the Act so much wanting in foresight that they did not anticipate what would happen in the beginning? Nothing had been provided in the Act that where there was a likelihood of quarrels, the franchise should not be given. That argument had no substance. Quarrels engendered healthy public opinion, Larkana had waited long. When would Larkana get this right? Would it be for the next generation?

            Mr. Tulsidas, of Rohri, said that the complaint of Rohri was similar to that of Larkana. The people had lived in constant hope which had remained unrealized. A elected municipality was the first step to self government. The members of the Bombay Legislative Council there present should move in the matter and urge government to confer this long deferred privilege on Larkana and Rohri. Rohri had made immense strides. It was next to Hyderabad in education and the first in industry in Sind. It possessed a mill manufactured silk, which had a demand throughout India to such an extent that the mill could not supply the cloth in sufficient quantity. It might be that Larkana, having a larger population was standing in the way of Rohri. Let them both have the cherished privilege as soon as possible.

            Mr. Pessumal Tarachand declared that Larkana had considerably risen in importance inasmuch as it was a district town and possessed a District Court. They should ask again till they get the municipal franchise.

            Mr. Jethmal Parsram said that the congress ideal was to attain self government. It might be that people were selfish and in municipalities looked to their own gain more than to that of the public. But this was because the people had few privileges. Had they more a strong public opinion would be created and the leaders kept under proper control. Moreover, the presence of the official and nominated element was a serious hindrance in the way of municipal work. Just as an army was split into two by a wedge and its power of co-operation taken away to the utter destruction of the whole so did this undesirable element act in the municipality. It was a wedge between two parties preventing them from co-operation and doing useful work. That was why the municipalities had not succeeded so well as they ought. Hyderabad was not to blame. Municipalities should consist of elected members.

            This resolution was also unanimously carried.

            Mr. Rijhumal Isardas moved: “that this conference request the Government to repeal (1) the rule which empowers government to take into possession any survey number of agricultural land which has remained uncultivated for four years unless assessment under fallow rules is paid (2) those sections of the Land Revenue Code and rules farmed in accordance therewith by which government is empowered to refuse to give back such survey number to the original occupant or to put such conditions of fixed period or restricted tenure as government thinks fit in case it allows the original occupant to take the holding”. He remarked that the British had continued the Moghul system of land revenue. The means of collecting land revenue were not then fixed and in default of payment the Moghul rulers used to deprive the occupants of land. The British Government seemed to be of the opinion that the land belonged to government and it could impose any condition it liked. That position was fallacious. The means of collecting revenue had been fixed, and the government had wide means of recovering it. Under these conditions the present system required to be modified. Fallow rules applied to Sind only, where the ryotwari tenure, as in the Bombay Presidency had been wrongly brought in force. In Sind the lands were in the hands of big Zamindars and their tenure was quite distinct from that which prevailed in the rest of the Bombay Presidency. Sind is depended on irrigation. The fallow rules deemed to have been framed with a view to prevent laziness on the part of the Zamindars. But as a matter of fact no Zamindars in these days of keen competition and struggle for existence want only forsook any survey number. Survey numbers which remained uncultivated for five years remained so through no fault of the Zamindars, but on account of the dearth of water. In these circumstances the rule worked very harshly on the Zamindars and government would win ever lasting gratitude if this great hardship were removed. Next as regards the government refusing the land to the original occupant. Proprietary rights of occupants had been recognized in many decisions of the Bombay High Court. It was but fitting that the government should formally recognize those judicial decisions and declare its rights in accordance therewith.

            Mr. Shumsuddin seconding drew the attention of the audience to the ways of the P.W.D. and the insufficiency of water. He cited the instance of Western Nara which had been silted up to the extent of ten feet in height. When there was only one foot of water the indicator showed II feet. Only those survey numbers remained uncultivated which could not be supplied with water. It was the bounden duty of government to supply water and when it failed the Zamindars should not be made to suffer. Fallow rules should be applicable, if at all, to those lands which had been cultivated continually for last ten years and not those which have never seen water.

            Rais Abdullah Khan Tunio cited the instance of the Ghar Canal, which used to be 23 to 24 ft. board and which was only 12 to 13ft. board at present. Fallow rules were a real hardship on the zamindars and required to be repealed. Also the proprietary rights of the zamindars should be recognized by government.

            The resolution was unanimously carried. (The Daily Gazette dated April 28, 1916 Page 10)

FURTHER PROCEEDINGS

            Mr. Naraindas moved: “That this conference is of the opinion that the rules as regards the remission of revenue, though be speaking the best intentions of Government, have been found bad in principle as well as practice, and therefore this conference recommends that (a) at the time of recommending remission the total produce should be taken into consideration and not the area under cultivation; (b) For the purpose of remission, there should be a fixed time for the inspection of crop so that the Zamindars may be able to have the fullest advantage and if the crops are not inspected within that time the Zamindars may be taken to have received the permission of reaping the crop; (c) Remission should be granted liberally, and at times when there is a general failure of crops, general remission might be granted without inspecting any survey numbers”. Mr. Naraindas said that under the present system remission could be had only with the greatest difficulty. At the time the first revenue survey was made and the assessment on each survey number was fixed the legislature had in view the granting of liberal remission in proper cases. That was the only reason why the assessment was so heavy in Sind. But those good intentions of the Government had not been put into practice. Many technical difficulties existed in the granting of remission, for example, if a Zamindar cultivated less than 100 survey numbers he could not get remission. Moreover, the revenue officers could revoke remission on the lightest pretexts. The remotest suspicion that the crops had been touched had been held as sufficient reason to revoke remission. Moreover, the Zamindars could not reap their crops they were inspected. The Mukhtiarkar often had to deal with 1,000 to 1,500 applications for remission each, and it often happened that many Zamindars were forced either to forge remission or their crop, it being impossible for their Mukhtiarkar to inspect the crops in time for harvesting. Further the Mukhtiarkar had grown very timid in the granting of remission. The collectors were very suspicious and as a result great hardships result on Zamindars in many cases. It would be better if Government appointed special officers for the purposes of remission.

            Kazi Abdul Karim, who seconded, urged the desirability of fixing a period for the inspection of crops for the purpose of remission.

            The resolution was unanimously carried.

            Mr. Gopaldas Jhamatmal moved: “That this conference, while thanking the Government for appointing a commission to consider the question of the period of settlement in Sind, emphatically prays the Government to increase the period of settlement from ten to thirty years at least also fixes a maximum of assessment for the benefit and well being of the Zamindars of Sind”. he said that this question vitally concerned the people of Sind, as agriculture was their chief occupation. The condition of Zamindars of Sind was unenviable and was growing sadder day by day. They were immersed in debt, and the haris were starving and getting poorer and poorer as time went on. The existing rate of assessment was heavy, and left only a bare sustenance to the Zamindars. In Greece, Persia and China the Government did not get more than one sixth of the total agriculture produce. There was a time when in India the share of the Government was no more than one twelfth. Justice required that a maximum rate of assessment should be fixed by Government, beyond which it should not go. Next as regards the period of settlement, Sec. 102 of the Bombay Land Revenue Code allowed a period of thirty years only. The longer the period of settlement the better it would be. To ask for more than thirty years as the period of settlement would properly be a matter for the Congress to consider. He confined himself to asking for a period of thirty years only. It was rumored that as a result of the Settlement Commission, Government would increase the period from ten years to twenty years, but he hoped the Government would do better than that.

            Mr. Rijhumal Isardas, seconding, said that the short period of settlement was highly unsatisfactory. It was based on the theory of unearned increment and the Government acted upon it very strictly. The doctrine of unearned increments was a matter of controversy between economists of the greatest repute. In the interests of the people it was desirable that the period of settlement should be as long as possible.

            This resolution was carried unanimously.(The Daily Gazette, dated 29^th April 1916, page 10)

FINAL PROCEEDINGS

            Mr. Hashmatri L. Chablani moved: “This Conference draws the attention of the Chancellor of the University of Bombay to the inadequate representation of Sind on the Senate of the University of Bombay and requests that the claims of Sind be satisfied by nominating a sufficient number of Fellows from Sind on the University Senate”. He said that Sind had long had cause to complain about the step child treatment it had been getting from the Government. The same complaint could be made with greater reason as regards representation on the senate of the Bombay University. The Governor, who was the Chancellor, had the right to nominate eighty Fellows and up till now one man from Sind had been nominated and he was a European and an official. Sind could boast of a sufficiently large number of educated persons to claim right of greater presentation. Sind formed one fourth of the Presidency and was clearly entitled to have twenty Sindhis nominated as Fellows. The Senate determined the lines on which education should proceed throughout the Presidency and it was intolerable that Sind should have no voice in it.

            Mr. Kishendas said that unfortunately Sindhi graduates did not themselves registered though they were entitled to do so. If there were many Sindhi registered graduates they could elect a representative, but till then Government should be approached to nominate some Sindhis. Sind had one college and it was hoped that there would be two more colleges shortly. Sind possessed 12 high schools, and primary education had made great strides during the past few years.

            The resolution was unanimously carried.

SUKKUR BARRAGE

            Mr. Tulsidas moved: “Whereas the quantity of water in the Indus has not been sufficient of late, this Conference is of the opinion that the project about the Sukkur Barrage and Rohri canal should be immediately taken in hand and until then no fresh canals should be allowed to be dug from the Indus in the Punjab”. He said that the question of water possessed special importance for Sind, relying as it did mostly on agriculture. The Punjab had been taking away a good deal of water during the past ten years. Formerly the water level used to be 5ft. 3 in at Bukkur. Now it was 3ft. only, and it was feared that even that level would not be maintained, as the Punjab government were projecting fresh canals. The Punjab ought not be allowed to thrive at the cost of Sind.

            Wadero Sahib Khan said that the Zamindars had complained before. A durbar was held in which Government promised to approach the Punjab Government and settle the question once for all. The Collector of Sukkur,too,had been promising to move in the matter,but all these promises had no result.

            The resolution was passed unanimously.

WATER SUPPLY FOR AGRICULTURE

            Mr. Mathradas moved: “Whereas the present policy of the Government as regards the supply of water to agriculture lands, especially the narrowing of many water courses and the insufficient clearing of canals, has caused serious loss to Zamindars, this Conference humbly requests the Government to adopt speedy means of removing this hardship”. He said that the Government laboured under the impression that water was being wasted and that it should be economized so that new canals might be dug. On account of that old canals were being narrowed, the Bagari Canal being the first so dealt with. After complaints a committee of inquiry was held which resulted in partial restoration of the old water course. The Fuleli canal was now being similarly narrowed. The narrowing of canals was against public policy, and the P.W.D. had no right to narrow canals which had existed since the days of Kalhoras, long before the advent of the British. Moreover the Engineering Department refused to supply more water than was sufficient for cultivating one third of the land any Zamindars, on the ground that no Zamindar was entitled to cultivate more than one third. This was an infringement of the Zamindar’s rights, who was surely entitled to cultivate his whole land. If he did not, he became liable under the Fallow rules. At present a test case was pending in which the P.W.D. had taken up the above position. Beyond doubt the Government did not favour rice cultivation and hence the restriction about water, a policy which was causing much the discontent. The Conference ought to bring it to the notice of the Government so that the suffering of the Zamindars might cease. Moreover the revenue assessment includes the water assessment, the latter forming a substantial portion of the former.

            Mr. Jotumal, seconding, compared Sind to the Punjab, dwelling upon the prosperity of the latter and the poverty of the former. The collector, Mr. Sale, when asked about the cause of this difference said that the Punjabis were very particular to meet and ask for what they wanted while the Sindhis quietly let things go. Time was when the Ghar canal used to be flushed with water to the extent of 15 feet in level. Now the water level was hardly 8 feet, with the result that lands having rich rice cultivation could not grow even Bajri or grass for cattle. Rich Zamindars had been made poor, some had been forced to become haris themselves, many had been made to leave their to become haris themselves, many had been made to leave their lands altogether. The lands on the Upper Ghar Canal had suffered the most and strange to say though reduced from Class 1 to

Class II, the assessment on them had been increased. Government records showed that cultivation had decreased 70%.

            Mr. Joonejo supported the resolution which was passed unanimously.

OWNERSHIP IN TREES ON PRIVATE CANALS

            Mr. Mathradas moved: “This Conference is of the opinion that trees on private canals should be declared to be the property of the persons owing the private canals without any right of interference on the part of government and that the present attitude of government as regards the right to such trees is improper”. He expressed the opinion that as the people had the right to the land through which the canals passed they obviously had the right to the trees growing thereon. He had been prosecuted for felling trees on his private canal but he got off by proving with the help of a circular of a former Commissioner that he was entitled to take the trees of his own use. He further said that the Tapedar and their kotars often troubled Zamindars and threatened to prosecute them for cutting these trees. A definite declaration and recognition of the Zamindars rights would put an end to a good deal of trouble and annoyance. He further cited a letter from Mr. Giles, Commissioner is Sind, dated 3^rd May, 1882, which purported to recognize the Zamindars right to trees.

            Mr. Mulchand Pessumal said that the position taken up by the Government was inexplicable. The right was first asserted some years back, but in a suit which followed, the judgment of Mr. Dayaram Gidumal, the judge, laid down in clear terms that the Zamindars were entitled to the trees.

            The resolution was unanimously passed.

SWADESHI

            Mr. Virumal Begraj moved: “This Conference is in favour of Swadeshi and asks all the people of Sind to support the movement by encouraging local arts and industries and using Indian made things, in preference to foreign things even at in reused cost”.

            He said that there was a time when India was very prosperous but now the sun of prosperity shine over Japan. To bring back prosperity to the country it was necessary to encourage native industries. The trade figures showed that foreign cloth worth 124 crores of rupees was yearly imported into India and only 68 crores worth of raw material was exported, to be brought back to India and sold at ten times the first value after undergoing transformation in Europe. By buying foreign cloth money was being sent out of India; by

The encouragement of Swadeshi goods the money would remain in India. What did it matter, therefore if Indians paid more for Indian goods than for foreign? To check the growing poverty of India the only means was the encouragement of Swadeshi. Indians should cease to be slaves of fashion and help their own industries, and should also ask the Government for help. Japan had progressed so rapidly only with State help. Fortunately at Shikarpur and Rohri cloth mills had been started and they ought to be helped as much as possible.

            Dr. Choithram said that when America separated from England, there were no local industries. Felt was the only cloth manufactured, but the Americans in their great love of Swadeshi wore only felt and no other kind of cloth. Indians should show a similar spirit. Comparing statistics one was struck with the fact that while in England the yearly income per man was Rs. 600, in India it was only Rs. 15. India possessed no industries worth name, as former industries had disappeared. The absence of industrial education and the taxation on local manufactures made it impossible as was being done in Japan.

            The resolution was unanimously passed.

CONGRESS COMMITTEE APPOINTED

            The following resolution was moved by the Hon. Mr. Bhurgri from the chair and carried unanimously:- “This conference resolve that a Congress Committee be formed for the province of Sind which may transact all business concerning Congress matters and may also arrange for Sind Provincial or District Conference. Further another committee of the following gentlemen :- Messrs. Harchandrai, Jamshed N.R. Mehta, Gopaldas Jhamatmal, Hashmatrai L. Chablani, Virumal Begraj, Mulchand Pessumal, Virusing Himatsing, Shah Mahomed Lahori and Mr. Pirzada, with Mr. Jairamdas Doulatram as secretary, be formed which may frame the aims and objects of the Sind Congress Committee and the Sind Provincial Conference and send the same for approval to each District Congress Committee in Sind by August 1, 1916, to be subsequently presented for discussion in the subjects committee of the next Sind Provincial Conference.

RIGHT TO CARRY ARMS

            Mr. Hafiz moved: “The Arms Act 11 of 1878 which had placed the people of this country under a disability resulting in intolerable hardship is repealed”.

The Hon. Mr. Harchandrai moved an amendment that with the exception of the section prohibiting manufacture of powder, cartridges and arms, the Act be repealed.

            Mr. Hafiz accepting the amendment said that from time immemorial every community has possessed the right to project itself and maintain a military class. The nation which did not possess a military class could not exist. It was soon conquered and enslaved. India was no ordinary country. It has produced some of the greatest heroes and warriors in history and even at the present day it possessed many warlike tribes. During the present war Indian soldiers have elicited the admiration of the whole world by their conspicuous bravery in the field. Yet in India there is quite a large number of people who had never seen a gun or a sword, and who would be frightened to death by the sound of a gunshot or the glitter of a sabre. Had Indians been trained to the use of arms the present war would have been already over. India wanted to be a worthy asset of the Empire.

            Mr. Lokal Chellaram, who followed, said that the present resolution was indissolubly connected with that of self-government. Indians could not be worthy of self government until they could lay claim to a certain degree of manhood. Indians could not be called men until they were able to guard themselves and their dearest possessions. No nation can be a self respecting nation until its members have the cherished privilege of carrying arms. Milton said “No nation can be nation until it can wield arms” and similarly Lord Roberts”. “A man can not be regarded as fully a citizen until he can defend his home and his liberties”. There was more in the question than the mere right of carrying arms and it was “Are Indians loyal or disloyal”. It seemed that Government had no faith in Indians. Before the war German, now the bitterest foes of England, could keep arms India while loyal Indians could not. In conclusion Mr. Lokomal said: “ I say to you, if you want to be able to rest in peace, to protect the honour of your women, to take India to its goal of liberty, get this Act repealed.”

            The resolution, as amended, was passed.

DISTRIBUTION OF WATER

            Mr. Sahibsing C.Shahani moved. “This Conference is of the opinion that the rules about distribution of water as in force at present on the Jamrao and other similar canals are the cause of serious hardship on the Zamindars and it humbly draws the attention of the Government to that question and prays for the appointment of a committee of officials and non officials to deliberate and report on the question”. Mr. Sahibsing said that the rules had been enforced to the detriment of the Zamindars interests since 1906 though no complaints had been publicly made until now. The present system of supplying water was very defective and caused loss both to the Zamindar as well as the Government.

            Syed Main Abdul Hakim Shah seconded the resolution, which was passed unanimously.

The following resolution was moved from the chair. “This Conference is of the opinion (a) that un surveyed lands which have been shown as belonging to certain persons in original pattas are the property of persons so mentioned; (b) that such original properties should not be prevented from cultivating those lands and all the records concerning the present survey numbers and former plots of agricultural land should be preserved with care; (c) that the attention of Government should be drawn to resolution No. 1836 dated 25^th August 1884 according to which Zamindars are entitled to cultivate land without paying malkana and without being subject to any restrictions; (d) survey numbers which on account of the Fallow rule, have vested in Government should be given back to the Zamindars without any restriction and the Fallow rules abolished”.

            The resolution was passed unanimously.

NEXT CONFERENCE

            Mr. Naraindas moved that the next Sind Provincial Conference be held at Shikarpur. Mr. N. T. Bolakani seconded and the resolution was passed unanimously.

            That concluded the business of the Conference which disappeared after a vote of thanks which was moved in eulogistic terms by Mr. Lalchand Navalrai and seconded by Mr. Jamshed N.R. Mehta. (The Daily Gazette dated May 4, 1916 Page No. 10).

4^TH SINDH PROVINCIAL CONFERENCE

HELD AT SHIKARPUR

(1917)

The first session of the fourth Provincial Conference took place this afternoon under the president ship of Rai Bahadur Hiranand Khemsing, B.A., LL.B., in a specious pandal erected near Shahi Bag where about 500 delegated and an equal number of visitors from different parts of Sind had assembled.

            After welcome songs the chairman of the reception committee; Seth Lunidasing, a leading merchant of Shikarpur, welcoming the delegates, explained that the object of the Conference was to place the needs of the people before Government to bring about a better understanding between rulers and rules. He recalled the ancient greatness of Shikarpur when the town was governed by its merchants under the suzerainty of Afghan rulers. After briefly referring to the war and India’s put in it, the Defence of India Force Act and its far-reaching consequences, indentured labor and the recent pronouncement of the Viceroy, the Public Service Commission and the keen disappointment caused by its report, the Arms Act, the need for free compulsory education, the separation of the executive and judicial functions, and self-government on the lines recommended by the last Congress and the Moslem League, he spoke at some length upon the exorbitant rise in the price of fuel in Sind and the need for Government to come to the rescue of the people by fixing low selling rates, the enhancement of the settlement period from ten to thirty years, the expediting of the construction of the proposed barrage, the removal of restrictions on the water supply of certain zamindarikarias, the question of making Shikarpur the headquarter of the proposed new district of Jacobabad, and the need of raising the status of city magistrates of important towns to the grade of Deputy Collector.

            Seth Chanomal, Mr. Murlidhar, Mr. Abdul Rahman of Larkana, Mr. Lokamal of Karachi, Mr. Mulchand Pessumal, Mr. Viroomal Begraj and Mr. Naraindas Metharam made speeches eulogizing the president.

            The president, referring to the war, expressed great satisfaction at the generous appreciations of the King Emperor, and his ministers of Indian’s assistance. Regarding the Defence of India Force Act he expressed pleasure that the mental spirit of the people was on the eve of being revived, and he hoped that the military career which the measures promised to India would not be frustrated by obstruction, rules and conditions, and that the Defence of India Force would satisfy their genuine aspirations and would be the prelude to another organization, larger and fuller, for fighting England’s battles inside and outside India in all climes wherever the interests and safety of Empire led it.

            The people were anxiously looking forward to the day when the war should be concluded by a victorious peace and the reforms in the system of government given practical shape. India would no longer be satisfied with a mere make shift or a make believe. What India wanted was real genuine reform, first and foremost of which was fiscal autonomy. Unless the finances of India were managed by Indians for the interests of India, the depreciation of wealth which had been going on for the last hundred years would not cease, and India which was already notoriously poor would be poorer still. Lancashire was still raising its head and demanding a further countervailing duty on Indian goods, and though it had been silenced for the time being there was danger still from that quarter. He hoped that justice and decency would not be sacrificed to the interests of a clique and that Indian interests would not be throttled by the combination of Lancashire, however formidable it might be.

            Referring to the protection of Indian industries he said that free trade after the war was an exploded shibboleth. Its votaries had been rudely awakened by the present war. The monopoly of all key industries by Germany had demonstrated to England that it had been committing suicide by letting others utilized its resources. If England was going to protect itself against Germany by heavy tariffs it was just that India should be invested with the power to protect its industries, not only against other, but against England itself. The labours of the Industrial Commission, which would shortly make proposals for starting new industries, would be of no avail unless those industries were fostered by protective duties.

            With regard to the report of the Public Services Commission he said that it had caused deep disappointment to the aspirations and expectations of Indians, and he hoped that the whole question would be re-approached from a new angle and satisfactorily solved.

            He called upon the people of Sind to join other provinces in urging upon the British Government the necessity and desirability of installing a substantial measure of self government in the country.

            Mr. Hiranand proceeded to criticize the land revenue policy in Sind. Though the soil of Sind was poor it was much more heavily taxed than other provinces in the Bombay presidency. While the assessment per acre in other parts of India varied between 8 annas and Re. 1-9 per acre, in Sind it mounted up to Rs. 5 per acre and was seldom less than Rs. 2 per acre. This had resulted in the poverty of the peasantry and the bulk of the Zamindars, who were sunk in debt. The Rayatwari system had proved a miserable failure everywhere. It was a double failure in Sind where the soil was poor, water scanty and needing to be raised at heavy cost by means of Persian wheels, and the rent payable to the State was the heaviest. He criticized the ten year’s settlement in Sind and said that the interests of Government itself demanded a sixty year’s settlement. Besides long period assessment he advocated that over loaded assessment be reduced to reasonable rates, that the Fallow rules be worked honestly and faithfully and remissions be given liberally in bad years.

            Referring to the Agriculture Department he said that hitherto its work was more or less confined to the administration of American cotton in Sind. But the time had now come when the Department should pay attention to other staple crops. He advocated the grant of land to educated persons who would appreciate the improved methods of cultivation and adopt inn vations which the Agriculture department might introduce. He could not understand why Government was fighting shy of the educated classes in the matter of grants of lands.

            He declared that the Sind police were inefficient and suggested improvements in the pay and prospects of the subordinate service which he believed would attract a better type of persons. He also advocated free and compulsory education conducted on national lines and the appointment of a Sindhi pleader on the bench of the Judicial Commissioner’s Court, and criticized at length the delegation of wide powers to the Commissioner in Sind.

            Referring to Co-operative credit societies in Sind he said that the progress made by the movement was most meager. This he attributed to the absence of a full time man of experience to organize and develop the movement, and he hoped that Government would supply the want.

            He then referred to the expensiveness of justice in the Court of the Judicial Commissioner, and the heavy cost of translating and typing every paper in the lower Court which should be borne by Government.

            He regretted that the Industrial Commission could not visit Sind. Although the attention of the Government of Bombay was drawn to the commission, it did not think that there was anything in Sind to attract the Commission. A paper read before the Citizen’ Association of Hyderabad by Mr. Lakhumalani, who had situated at the Thatta Research Institute, showed that there was a vast field for the industrial exploration of the province.

            In the cities there was a growing desire for the emancipation of municipalities from official leading strings. He recommended the extension of the municipal franchise by giving one vote to every literate and every owner of immoveable property, as with the possession of more rights would come the sense of responsibility. At the beginning there would be misuses of that right but in the end it was sure to come right. While they were pressing for such reforms the Government of Bombay had of late been adopting a policy of repression and suspending municipalities presided over by non official presidents for one reason or other. During the past few years Ahmedabad, Bijapur in the Presidency proper and Hyderabad in Sind had shared such a fate. From his experience of his native place, Hyderabad, he could say with a certain degree of confidence that the remedy of suspension had proved to be much worse than the disease itself. During the last year and a half the Committee of Management which had replaced the Municipality had done no work. Although they had a costly Municipal Commissioner, the sanitation, the lighting, road repairs and water supply were in a much worse condition than before. The Committee held its meeting in camera and it’s proceeding and accounts were a sealed book to the public.

            He also drew the attention of the delegates to the fact that at Hyderabad Muhammadan representation on the municipality was inadequate before the suspension. He advised the Hindus to make it up to stop the demand for separate representation for Muhammadans which threatened to divide the two important communities.

            In conclusion he made it clear that no one in Sind desired to embarrass the Government by holding the conference during the tendency of the war. They asked for no immediate concessions. They were formulating proposals and were asking Government to take note of them and comply with them after the war was over.

            After the conclusion of the President’s speech Mr. Polak was introduced to the audience by the president, and made a short speech on the indentured labor question, advising the audience to urge upon Government to do away with in conclusively, immediately and for ever.

            After the election of the subjects committee the conference adjourned for the day. (The Daily,Gazette  dated April 9, 1917 Page No. 4).

SECOND DAY’S SITTINGS

At the resumed sitting of the Provincial Conference on Sunday afternoon the following resolution were passed after considerable discussion, the resolution on local self-government occupying the greater part of the time:-

            Proposed by the Hon. Mr. Harchnadrai and seconded by the Hon. Mr. Bhurgri, that (a) Having regard to the fact that the avowed aim of Great Britain in participating in the European War had been the Defence of the principles of liberty and justice, and in view of the enthusiasm with which India has identified herself with the cause of the Empire, the movement towards a reconstruction of the Imperial fabric, the declarations of responsible ministers of His Majesty’s Government as to the changed position of India in the Empire and the capacity of the Indians to manage their own affairs, and further having regard to the fact that the present system of Government does not satisfy the legitimate aspirations of the people and has become unsuited to the existing conditions and requirements, the conference strongly urges upon His Majesty’s Government that a Royal proclamation be issued announcing to the people of this country that it is the avowed aim of British policy to confer self-government on India; (b) That this conference demands that a definite step should be taken towards self government by granting the reforms contained in the scheme prepared by the All India Congress Committee in concert with the Reform Committee appointed by the All India Moslem League; (c) That in the construction of the Empire India shall be lifted from the position of a dependency to that of an equal partner in the Empire with the self government dominions.

            Proposed by Dr. Choithram and seconded by Mukhi Jethanand that this Conference whilst thanking the Government of India for prohibiting, during the War, the recruitment of indentured labor in India for service in Fiji and other Crown colonies in the moral, intellectual, economic and social interests of this country, respectfully urges, that during the intervening period legislation may be passed finally and unconditionally abolishing the system of indenture; this Conference is further of opinion that no alternative system of recruitment of labor for service abroad will be acceptable to the conscience of India, that a cable conveying the purport of this resolution be forwarded to Secretary of State for India for consideration and by the May Conference to be held in London on this subject.

            Proposed by Mr. Naraindas Mehtaram and seconded by Seth Rewachand that this Conference strongly urges that Government should take effective steps to bring about an early redress of the following longstanding grievances of third class railway passengers from whom the largest portion of railway revenue is derived; - (a) Overcrowding in third class carriages; (b) want of ventilation and adequate arrangement for water in latrines and (c) ill-treatment of third class passengers by the railway staff.

            Proposed by the president Hiranand khemsing that it is the opinion of this Conference that at least one of the Additional Judicial Commissioners of Sind should be an Indian selected from the Sind Bar.

            That this Conference protested against the ordinate delay in the publication of the report of the Sind Land Settlement Committee, and strongly urges that the period of settlement be raised to not less than 60 years and that a limitation for the State demand on the land be fixed.

            Proposed by Seth Lokamal Chellaram and seconded by Mr. Mathradas Ramchand that this Conference strongly urges upon the Government the necessity of substantially extending wherever possible the facilities for teaching the Koran to Muhammadans and Hindu Scriptures to Hindus in the Local Board schools in Sind outside of school hours.

            That this Conference urges the people of Sind to use swadeshi articles even at monetary sacrifice.

            That this Conference humbly protests against the policy of the Bombay Government in disallowing questions on important subjects without any convincing proofs. (The Daily Gazette,  dated April 10, 1917 Page 8)

CONCLUDING SITTING

            The third and last session of the Provincial Conference to day lasted for six hours, during which time the following resolution were discussed and passed:-

REPRESENTATION ON MUNICIPALITIES

            This Conference is of opinion that in Sind Municipalities and Local Boards the proportion of Hindu and Muhammadan representatives may be fixed on the basis of population, educational qualifications and taxation, but before fixing that proportion the opinion of Municipalities, Local Boards and other public bodies should be invited, but in no case should number of representatives of any community exceed the proportion to which that community would be entitled according to population; (b) that after the fixing of such proportion the election of representatives should be by a mixed electorate of Hindus and Muhammadans; (c) that Government while making nominations should be guided by the proportion fixed for election.

            This was proposed by the Hon. Mr. Harchanrai who said that the resolution was against his principles, but he had changed his view out of respect for the feeling of Muhammadans and the understanding arrived at the last Congress and Muslim League.

            Mr. Jamshed N.R. Mehta, seconding, congratulated the Hindu community on the concession made to their Muhammadans brethren and hoped it would result in a better understanding between the two communities.

HYDERABAD’S MUNICIPAL AFFAIRS

            That the appointment of a Municipal Commissioner for the town of Hyderabad is illegal, and experience has shown that the administration of the Committee of Management and the Municipal Commissioner has resulted in no good to the town. This conference therefore urges Government to restore the rights of local self government to the people of Hyderabad.

PUBLIC SERVICES REPORT

            (a) This conference strongly objects to the recommendations of the Public Service Commission and is of opinion that in view of changed circumstances which had raised new hopes and aspirations in the minds of people after the sitting of the Commission the report should not be taken notice of by the Government; (b) this conference offers its thanks to the Hon. Mr. Justice Abdul Rahim for the expression of his views against the report of the Commission.

DEFENCE OF INDIA ACT

            That this conference thanks Government for introducing the Defence of India Act and brings to its notice that it is necessary not only to increase the number of centers for giving military training but to increase the number of recruits for such training. This conference is also strongly of opinion that all distinction between Europeans and Indians with regard to pay and position may be done away with.

            That this conference strongly disapproves of the way in which the Defence of India and other Acts are being brought in operation, and thus depriving them of their liberty without due investigation. The conference lays great stress upon the recommendation made by public bodies that advisory committees with one Judicial officer and one Indian lawyer be appointed in each province for the investigation of each case. (b) This conference strongly objects to the unjust and improper orders issued by Government under the Defence of India Act against Bal Gangdhar Tilak, Babu Bipin Chandra Paul and Mr.Mahmud Ali and prays that the Government will be pleaded to cancel these orders. 

FREE COMPULSORY EDUCATION

            That this conference strongly supports the resolution of the Hon. B. N. Surma proposed in the last Imperial Legislative Council to the effect that free compulsory primary education be given in India.

POWERS OF THE COMMISSION IN SIND

            That the delegation of extensive powers to the Commissioner in Sind is not desirable and therefore Bombay Act 5 of 1868 should be repealed.

R  A S  A  I

            That this conference while admitting that certain officers have exerted their utmost to put a stop to Rasai, expresses its dissatisfaction that the evil has not died out, and is of opinion that unless touring officers do not reduce the period of their touring season and the number of subordinates taken on tours, and unless contracts are appointed from headquarters for the supply of provisions and unless revenue officers are relieved of all responsibility there will be no hope of the evil dying out.

POLICE POWERS

            That the police should be deprived of the powers under Section 110 of the Criminal Producer Code and these powers should be given to the Mukhtiarkar who should decide such cases with the advice of a committee of representatives of the people.

INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT

            That this conference urges the Government to appoint an expert to enquire into industrial development of the province.

COST OF JUSTICE

That justice in the Court of the Judicial Commissioner be made less expensive, the charge for translation and typewriting is paid by Government.

INDIANS AS EDUCATIONISTS

            That this conference records its conviction that the development of education in India on national lines requires that administrative and educational service should be manned mainly by well qualified Indian and that the Senates of Indian Universities should be in the consist of elected Indians and that such Senates should have complete control over their own executive and educative policy.

SUKKUR BARRAGE

            This conference reiterates the resolution of the last conference that in view of the shortage of water in the river Indus, the Sukkur Canal Project which has been so long hanging fire be given immediate effect to and until that scheme is carried to completion no new canals be allowed to be opened in the Punjab.

            The president in his concluding remarks congratulated the organizers of the conference on its unique success. He said that no previous conference had attracted such large numbers of enthusiastic people.

            The proceeds from the sale of delegates and visitors tickets amounted to over Rs. 4,000; about 560 visitors were provided with free board and lodging, and there were about 200 volunteers, some of whom had come from Karachi and Hyderabad. A very large number of Hyderabad is attended the conference. (The Daily Gazette, dated April 11, 1917 Page No. 4)

SINDH PROVINCIAL CONFERENCE

Held In March / April 1918

At Karachi – Proceedings

And Resolutions

The Sind Provincial Conference opened in Karachi on 30.03.1918 afternoon under the presidentship of Mr. Murlidhar Jeramdas, a pleader of Shikarpur and was attended by nearly 500 hundred delegates from all parts of Sind. After an address by the Hon. Mr. Harchandrai Vishindas, C.I.E., Chairman of the reception committee, and speeches by Mr. Ghulam Ali G. Chagla, R.B. Hiranand and Mr. Lokamal Chellaram enlogising the president and moving him into chair Mr. Murlidhar read, his presidential address which embraced almost every topic of importance and unimportance to Sind, except the war.

            The proceedings on 30.03.1918 meeting opened with a resolution expressing sorrow, at the death of Sir William wedderburn, which was passed in silence. The president then moved a brief resolution declaring loyalty to the British Crown and praying for the success of the British arms.

            The following resolutions were passed:-

            (1) “This conference is emphatically of opinion that the reforms outlined in Curti’s scheme are mischievous, illusory and unacceptable to the people of India and therefore strongly condemns the suggestion that the scheme should be applied to Sind or in any other part of India”.

            (2) “This conference places on record its grateful thanks to the Labor party of England for its whole-hearted support to the cause of Home Rule for India and for its pledge to render all assistance inside and outside parliament towards the attainment of this object”.

            The Principal resolution of the Conference led to an avalanche of speeches from the Hon. Mr. Harchandrai Vishindas, R.B. Hiranand Khemsing, Mr. Ghulam Ali G. Chagla, Mukhi Jethnand Pritmadas, Mr. Santdas Magharam, Mr. Naraindas Motoram, Mr. R.K. Sidhwa, and Dr. Choithram.

            It read:-

            (3) This Conference while appreciating the pronouncement made by His Majesty’s Secretary of State for India on behalf of the Imperial Government that its object is the establishment of responsible Government of India, urges, the Imperial Government to give the people of India an effective voice, with His Majesty’s Government and the Government of India, in determining the measure and time of each advance towards responsible Government.

            “This Conference strongly urges the necessity for the immediate enactment of a parliamentary statute providing for the establishment of responsible Government in India, the full measure to be attained at an early date within a time to be fixed in the statute itself.

            “This conference is emphatically of opinion that the Congress League Scheme of reforms which is the irreducible minimum that the people of India can accept be immediately introduced by statute as the first step in the process:.

            “The final resolution was:-

            (4) “This conference strongly condemns the action of officials in bringing undue pressure on various municipalities in Sind to introduce the house tax in the teeth of strong opposition of the people and in emphatically disapproves of their high handed action in the case of Larkana, and Manjhand  Municipalities. This conference desires to bring to the notice of Government this high-handed policy and violation of the principle of local self-Government and urges the immediate reversal of the same”.

            The conference again assembled on 1.04.1918 and passed further resolutions including one on the separation of Sind from the Presidency. (D.G. 1 April, 1918, P.4)

CONCLUDING DAY

            On resumption yesterday (1^st April, 1918) afternoon the Sind Provincial Conference passed four resolutions, the principal being on the position of Sind in the coming reforms, which led to a long discussion before it was carried. It reads:-

            “This Conference is emphatically of opinion that the present system of Government in Sind under which the Commissioner in Sind exercises almost all the powers of the Governor in Council, without the safeguards afforded by an Executive Council, constituting thus a system of decentralization of powers without popular control, is most detrimental to the best interests of the Province and has retarded its progress in many direction.

            “This Conference therefore strongly urges the imperative necessity of repealing Act V of 1868 and all over measures authorizing delegation of powers to the Commissioner in Sind and of placing Sind under the direct control of the Government of Bombay.

            “That in view of the announcement of reforms expected to be made by the Secretary of State as the result of his mission to this country, a committee (consisting of twenty gentlemen) be appointed to consider the said announcement, more specially with reference to Sind and submit its report to the Sind Provincial Congress Committee, who should convene a special session of the Sind Provincial Conference to deliberate on the same”.

            The other resolution covered a diversity of subjects, ranging from education to resolutions on individuals and the Press and including several matters of interests to Sind. .

PRESIDENT’S ADDRESS

            The presidential address, which was delivered on Saturday occupied forty five pages of printed foolscap, five sixth of which were devoted to what may be described as imperial topics  the Defence of India Act, the Arms Act, The Press Act, the Income Tax Act, Education, “Home Rule”, Local “Home Rule”, the Swadeshi Movement, etc. whilst one sixth referred to Sind matters  the form of the Sind Government, Fallow Rules, Fuel and Salt, Bank side trees, Rasai, Lapo and Cher. On the subject of the Government of Sind “as it is and as it ought to be”, Mr. Murlidhar Jeramdass delivered himself as follows:

SIND AS IT OUGHT TO BE

            Sind in comparison to her sister provinces stands on a lower rung of the ladder leading to the destined goal of Swaraj. Her position in the presidency is peculiar; she has therefore to work harder and more strenuously than other provinces for the purpose of reaching the desired goal.

            Even Indian’s political Rishi late Mr. Gokhale in his political testament treated Sind with scant attention and the inactivity and inertia displayed by her. But now the same state of things can not be permitted to continue and Sind refused to be called a “Benighted province” or a “Sleepy hollow”. She is an integral and non-negligible part of India and is prepared to contribute ratably to the Indian culture.

            This subject had very recently been a matter for discussion at the last Special Sind Conference held at Hyderabad a few months ago. As it was the legitimate and special province of that Conference to deal with it, my task is considerably simplified so far as this subject is concerned and I have thus to make a very few observations only.

            It is an anomaly that Sind is still on the list of “Scheduled Districts” although with Karachi rivaling Bombay, it has been advancing commercially and though in consequence of Mesopotamian conquest, its geographical importance is an assured and unprecedented one.

            Whatever be the view adopted with respect to the political status that Sind may occupy in the proposed reforms, we all are unanimously agreed that Sind Commissioner’s Act of 1868, that has remained with us for a half century, ought to be abolished and one man’s rule ought to end. This Act confers powers of the Governor in Council on the Commissioner usually of the Indian Civil Service and trained to be an autocrat, and his acts remain uncontrolled and unquestioned by the Bombay Government. The Government has voluntarily parted with its power to check the actions of each with its power to check the each occupant that comes and goes. His will is supreme for good or for evil and absolute. Sind feels sequestered. It has a poor representation on the University, her educational advancement is slow her development of Local Self Government stunted and her agricultural, irrigational and industrial condition unsatisfactory. I can not refrain myself from observing that this system is repugnant to the democratic principles that have now surcharged the political atmosphere all over the world and that at present the autocratic system can not inspire that confidence in the minds of the governed that would otherwise be done in the case of a representatives Government wherein “Self determination” has a part. What is done in the province, be it in the dispensation of state service, be it in the nomination of municipalities and local boards, be it in the forests or in the judiciary, never reaches the ears of the Bombay Government.

            With the repeal of this Act where with a pre anti dilluvian form of Government is carried on, arises the question of demand for a suitable and satisfactory form of Government.

            The only possible suggestions for consideration are:-

• Should Sind be autonomous with a Governor and Councils?
• Should Sind be linked to the Punjab?
• Should Sind be made a part of Baluchistan?
• Should Sind remain annexed to Bombay with a promise that Sind Commissioner’s Act be repealed and Sind be given a Commissioner with the same powers that other Commissioners in the Presidency have.

            Brother delegates, these are all mementoes questions on the right determination of which the future of Sind depends. All the above suggestions have been fully considered at the last Sind Special Provincial Conference. Mine will be but a feeble voice in endorsement of those views. But the importance of the questions is such that the ablest and the most thoughtful men of Sind should meet in committee to consider the various aspects of the questions. Difficulties there are in every course but they have to be met. Under the present system Sind has not gained any thing from the introduction of Morley Minto reforms. Sind unless it rises to suggest its fate will, I am sure remain untouched by any changes that Parliament may introduce at the instance of Mr. Montagu, Sind must make its voice felt that the present system of bureaucratic rule with “wooden, in elastic and iron” machinery can not go on any longer. Before these changes are introduced let this Conference or its specially authorized committee prepare a scheme of reforms for the administration of Sind Government.

FUEL AND SALT

            On the subject of Fuel and Salt Mr. Murlidhar said:

            The prices of fuel and salt had gone very high and continued complaints were heard from all parts of the Province. But I am glad the Commissioner in Sind has kindly interested himself in the matter and arrangements are made through municipalities to sell salt at the rate of one anna per seer and fuel kandi at a little over 8 annas a maund and lai a little over 6 annas a maund throughout the year. If the municipalities can take up coupes according to their requirements direct from the Forest Department they will be able to sell fuel still cheaper to the people. I am sure Government will make reasonable concession in royalty charges in such a case.

BANK SIDE TREES

            On the subject of Bank side trees Mr. Murlidhar said:

            Among the chief grievances of the Sind Zamindars, the order of the Commissioner in Sind about the bank side trees on private water courses is one. The karias are excavated and cleared by the Zamindars themselves at their own cost and the tress are planted, nurtured, and maintained by the Zamindars, similarly. The produce of these trees is also enjoyed by the Zamindars. The incidents of ownership lie with the Zamindars. There is thus no justification why the Government should lay claim such trees. They have no hand in their creation or growth. I am aware that the proportion of the land covered by the karia is deducted from the area of the land for the purpose of assessment but the land revenue charged includes the water rate and karia assessment as disclosed by the report of Commission appointed to report on settlements.

          Therefore this fact should not affect the right of the Zamindars to the trees grown and maintained by him and not by Government though the usufruct is admittedly the Zamindars. Government claims ownership of the land under the water courses but Government similarly claims to be the power paramount of all the survey numbers are recognized to be the legitimate property of the Zamindars. For many years there was no interference by Government with the rights of Zamindars over these trees and no permission was required for cutting them. Latterly however a circular ( No.29 ) went forth and warned the rayat that such trees no longer were their property . This circular seems presumably to be based on the view that the land Revenue Code had vested the proprietorship of all the soil in the power paramount. But this  inspite   of Sind Sadar Court deciding in 1883 as against Government assertion of such a claim “That though there may have been originally nothing proprietary in the character of some Zamindars the position was one which readily developed in a proprietary form” I think in fairness to the Zamindars, Government should now uphold their rights to these trees and issue clear orders to that effect so as to save the Zamindars from unnecessary prosecutions in criminal courts and harassment at the hands of revenue officials.

                            Mr. Murlidhar’s remarks on the subjects of the Fallow Rules, Rasai, Lapo and cher were repetition of what has been said at previous local meeting. (DAILY GAZETTE, DATED APRIL2, 1918 PAGE NO.10)

TEXT OF RESOLUTIONS

           The following resolutions were passed at Monday’s sitting of this Sind Provincial Conference in Karachi:

1.- (a) “That this conference is of opinion that the existing system of education under Government control does not satisfy necessary requirements and therefore until national control is effectively secured over the educational system, voluntary organizations, independent of Government control, should be started and developed for the purpose of founding and expanding schools and colleges and for imparting general, technical and commercial education suited to the needs of the country”.

• “That this conference records its warm appreciation of the labours of those patriots who are responsible for the formation of the society for the Promotion of National Education under the presidentship of Sir Rash Behari Ghose and hopes that the public of Sind will heartily support this Society and form branches of the same in every town .”
• “That this conference is highly pleased to find that an institution called the Sind National Collage and High school has already been started by the Society for the promotion of National Education at Hyderabad and hoped that the pubic of Sind will enthusiastically support the institution and soon start similar institutions in other parts of Sind”.
• “That this conference urges upon the public of Sind and all public institutions in the province the necessity of helping the above society with generous donations and calls upon all patriotic Sindhis to work for the success of the National Education Week”.

      “That conference while thanking Lord Willingdon’s Government for its support to Mr. Patel’s Act for Compulsory Primary Education in municipal areas, urges on Government the desirability of extending the principle of the Act to rural areas and the necessity of increasing its grant in aid for primary education to two thirds of the total expenditure on that head in any municipal area where compulsion is introduced. This conference also calls upon the municipal councilors of the larger municipalities in Sind to take immediate measures to introduce compulsory primary education and arrange to provide their share of the cost”.

2. (a) “This conference places on record its deliberate opinion that by reason of the wide and arbitrary powers conferred by the press Act of 1910 upon the present irresponsible executive and the unequal and partial manner in which it has been used in the case of the Indian and Anglo-Indian press, the Act has proved a menace to the liberty of the Indian press and is opposed to British traditions in England, and the conference urges Government to immediately repeal it”.

(b)  “This conference strongly condemns the recent action of officials in Sind in demanding securities under the press Act from the New Times , the Home Ruler, the Trade Advertiser and the Hindvasi  without any justifiable grounds”;

3. “This conference while thanking Government for having agreed to appoint a mixed committee to inquire into the evils of rasai, lapo and cher deplores the unabated prevalence of these abuses in Sind and strongly urges the appointment of a majority of non official member of recognized independence of opinion on that committee. This conference further suggests to Government the great desirability of immediately issuing a notification assuring the people that Government are anxious to know the truth and will see that witnesses are not harassed by officials”.
4. “This conference is of opinion that the continued internment of Messrs. Muhammad Ali and Shoukat Ali inspite of the assurance given by them and several eminent leaders of the Muhammadan community betrays a gross want of trust in the people on the part of the Government and is a cause of serious discontent among the people. This conference therefore strongly urges on His Majesty’s Government in England the desirability of issuing instructions for the release of these two leaders”.
5. “This conference is emphatically of opinion that the imposition of the present restrictions on the attendance of students at political meetings is calculated to discourage the cultivation of patriotic spirit and therefore urges the Government to cancel the orders issued by it on the question”.
6. “This conference earnestly appeals to Government to set at liberty Prof. Jawhermal, Mr. Abdul Majid and Moulvie Mahomed Sadik and all other Sindhis interned or incarcerated under the Defence of India Act or any other measure and pending their release. This conference further strongly urges the grant of substantial allowance to all those interned Sindhis who do not now get it.
7. “These Conference Calls upon the various District Congress Committees, Home Rule League and other political association in the province to carry on throughout the year a vigorous propaganda in support of the Congress League scheme and in condemnation of the Curti’s scheme”.
8. “This conference condemns of the continuance of the orders issued by the Governments of the Punjab and Delhi prohibiting entry to Messrs. Balgangadbar Tilak and Bepin Chandra Pal within their respective province and regards this continuance as wholly unwarranted”.
9. “This conference is emphatically of opinion that at least one of the three judges now constituting the Court of the Judicial Commissioner of Sind should be an Indian recruited from the Sind bar”.
10. “In view of the continuance of serious complaints regarding the misuse of the powers conferred by section 110 of the Criminal Procedure Code, this conference urges Government to institute a public inquiry into the working of this section in Sind by a committee on which independent non-official opinion is largely represented and to issue instructions granting immunity to all witnesses who give evidence before the committee”.
11. “This conference emphatically protests against the methods adopted by the Income Tax assessing officers in assessing the Tax and against the undue interference by the revisional authorities in raising the tax after decision in appeals”.
12. “This conference, while expressing its surprise at the ignorance displayed by the Bombay Government at the last session of the Legislative Council with regard to the resolution urging the restoration of the Hyderabad Municipality passed at the Special Sind Provincial Conference held at Hyderabad in November last, reiterates its demand for the immediate restoration of the Hyderabad Municipality, as the present Committee of Management has proved an utter failure and its continuance will be against the civic interest of the town.”
13. “This conference places on record its sense of extreme dissatisfaction at the attitude taken up by Government at the last session of the Bombay Council on the question of the translation of vernacular newspapers of Sind in the office of the Oriental Translator at Bombay and is emphatically of opinion that there is no justification whatsoever for not having independent arrangements in Bombay for the translation of Sindhi papers.”
14. “This conference strongly condemns the present policy of officials to suppress all out spoken Indian newspapers of Sind by putting a ban on them and is of opinion that the orders of Government issued to registered libraries not to subscribe for the Hindvasi, the Larkana Gazette and the Sind Patrika are absolutely unjustified and constitute an interference with a legitimate attempt to educate public opinion on the rights of the people. This conference therefore strongly urges the reversal of the above policy and the withdrawal of the above orders.”
15. “This conference is strongly of opinion that Swadeshi should be encouraged by all lovers of the motherland even at a sacrifice and all efforts should be made to popularize the products of indigenous industries”.
16. “This conference congratulates the Home Rule League on their sending deputations to England and wishes them complete success in their mission under the trusted leadership of Lokmanya Tilak.”
17. “This conference authorizes the president to communicate to Lokmanya Tilak an expression of its opinion that it has the fullest confidence in him.”
18. “This conference strongly deprecates the difficulties experienced in obtaining passports in Karachi and Upper Sind and urges the Government of Bombay so to modify the passport rules as to remove all unnecessary restrictions.”
19. “This conference regrets that the Commissioner in Sind in revising Rules has not taken into consideration the bulk of the recommendations contained in the resolution on the subject passed at the Shikarpur Conference. The Commissioner has raised the value of the gross produce in the case of lift lands from two assessments to three in order to entitle a Khatedar to claim remission of land revenue to the extent of one third the gross produce, but this conference is of opinion that this gives very little relief to the Khatedar. The conference therefore still insists that the revenue claimable in bad years should be limited to one sixth the assessment. The conference further strongly demurs to the Commissioner in Sind’s statement that ‘Remission is given as a matter of grace and not as a matter of right’. It as been repeatedly admitted by Government, in justification of the heavy rates of assessment that remission of land revenue in Sind is an integral part of the Irrigational Settlement. This conference is therefore further of opinion that Rule 24 of the new rules stands in need of modification.”
20. “This conference strongly urges the abolition of the rules under which a survey number lying fallow for five years is forfeited unless it pays assessment in the fifty years and that those provisions of the Land Revenue Code and the rules there under which vest in Government the powers of denying to the original occupant the proprietary right to same on restricted tenure or on short leases, should be immediately repealed.”
21. “That in the opinion of this conference the interference of Government with the proprietary right of zamindars over trees standing on their private canals is not justified by law and therefore urges Government to order the amendment of the Commissioner in Sind’s circular on the subject so as to prevent encroachment on the private property of zamindars”.
22. “This conference adopts the Rules of the Sind Provincial Congress Committee and the Sind Provincial Conference passed by the subjects committee”.

“That the next session of the Sind Provincial Conference be held at Jacobabad.” (The Daily Gazette, dated April 3, 1918 Page No. 9).

6^TH SIND PROVINCIAL CONFERENCE

HELD AT JACOBABD (1919)

            The first session of the Provincial Conference took place this morning (April 18, 1919) in a large pandal erected for the occasion and lasted for about there hours.

            After the singing of a national song, and the reading of letters and telegrams expressing regret at inability to be present, the chairman of the reception committee, Seth Asardes Shewaram, who is a Zamindars and merchant, read his address in which, after welcoming the delegates and thanking the town’s people for the honour done him, he traced the history of the town. Originally it was a small village called Kangarh which came to be called Jacobabad after Jacob Sahib’s arrival. In those days it was the residence and some regiments only, but in course of time, after the constructing of the Kashmore Bund to keep off river floods and the excavation of the Begari and Shahi Canals, extensive cultivation was carried on round about and eventually it became a centre for trade in grains and other produce. The town could boast of two things, the Victoria Tower built to commemorate Queen Victoria and the clock in Jacob’s Residency in which there was an arrangement of the movements of the sun, the moon and the stars. Referring to the Montagu Chelmsford reforms he said that they feel short of the Congress League Scheme and expressed a hope that finally they would take such a shape as to give us cause for believing that they would lead us to self government in the near future. The Rowlatt Bills had been passed in the teeth of opposition from all the Indian members, which had caused wide spread dissatisfaction throughout India. He hoped that better counsels would prevail and the Bills would soon be repealed. Never before within memory had the prices of necessaries run so high, and it was regrettable that not with standing the shortage of foodstuffs in the country the Government had exported large quantities to Africa and some Asian parts. At every conference a resolution in favour of Swadeshi was passed, but it bore no fruit. He hoped that some practical shape would be give to the movement this year so that they might be able to give a better account of themselves year.

            He suggested the following reforms to be carried out immediately in Sind: The separation of Judicial and Executive function; the raising of the term of revenue settlements from 20 to 30 years; raising of the term for Nowbat from 5 to 10years; relaxation in the Remission rules by the appointment of a local Advisory Committee whose opinion should carry weight generally in such matters; satisfactory arrangement for the adequate supply of water for the whole year if possible and the appointment of an Advisory Committee of zamindars to make suggestion to the proper distribution of water; abolition of Rasai, Chher and Lapo; the introduction of free compulsory primary education; the opening of a Government High School for the Upper Sind Frontier district; the opening of a College for Upper Sind, to be located at Sukkur; and Repeal of the Arms Act so as to allow every respectable person to carry arms to defend himself from the attacks of dacoits and robbers.

            In conclusion he expressed great regret that their Muhammadan brethren were fighting shy of joining their Hindu brethren on political platform. He compared the two communities with the two wheels of a carriage which could not expect to reach its destination if the progress of either of them was retarded. He advised the Muhammadan not to be deceived by the small favors shown them by Government but work in the path of true progress.

Mr. Jamshed N.R. Mehta was then formally elected president. (The Daily Gazette, dated April 22, 1919 Page No. 4).

SECOND SITTING

1. The second sitting of the conference took place this morning (April 19, 1919) and lasted for about four hours. The first and foremost resolution moved was one in the usual terms condemning the Rowlatt legislation. It was moved by Mr. Santdas Mangharam of Hyderabad, who said that Government had leveled a charge against the leaders that they were misrepresenting facts about the Rowlatt Bills. He was there to refute that charge. In all the meetings held in connection with the “Black” Bills he was satisfied that the leaders had tried their best to place all sides of the question before the public. He was followed by Mr. Abdul Rehman of Karachi, Mr. Jethanand of Jacobabad, Mr. Sidhwa of Karachi and Mr. Virooml of Sukkur who supported the resolution which was carried unanimously.

            The following resolutions (among others) were also passed after some discussion:

2. “This Conference emphatically protests against the repressive policy of the local government towards the Press in Sind as indicated in other things, by the demand of securities under the Press Act from a large number of Sind newspapers on wholly unjustified grounds, by its order prohibiting registered libraries from subscribing to most of the leading English and Vernacular newspaper of the province and by stopping the publication of Government advertisements and notices in such prescribed newspapers”.
3. “This conference considers it its duty to place before the Government by true sentiments of the Muhammadan of India with regard to the fate of their co-religionists outside India, the question of the Khalifate and of the custody and suzerainty over the holy places such as Mecca, Madina, Jerusalem, Najaf, Kerbella, Kazemain and Baghdad and cordially supports the resolution of the All India Moslem League at the Delhi session in December 1918 on that behalf. “(B) That the British representatives at the Peace Conference will use their influence and see that in the territorial and political redistribution to be made, the fullest consideration will be paid to the requirements of the Islamic laws with regard to the full and independent control by the Sultan of Turkey who is the acknowledged Khalifa of the Prophet over the holy places of Islam above enumerated and over the Tazrutularab as defined in Muslim books”.
4. “This Conference is of opinion that the time has come when steps should be taken to constitute High Court for Sind with the same proportion of Judges recruited from Indians and from the bar as in other High Courts of India”.
5. “This Conference is emphatically of opinion that it is imperatively necessary for the better administration of affairs in Sind that the Vernacular newspapers of Sind should be translated in the office of the Oriental Translator to Government at Bombay and extracts therefore submitted to Government”.
6. “This Conference is strongly of opinion that the Government of Bombay should take steps to start forth with the promised and long delayed High School at Larkana and to establish Government High Schools at Nowshahro at Nawabshah district, at Jacobabad for Upper Sind Frontier district and at Thatta from next year.”
7. “This Conference is of opinion that Sind being mainly an agricultural province steps be taken to open an Agricultural College in Sind”.
8. In the evening a Hindi Conference was held where a resolution in favour of Hindi being taught as the secondary language in all schools was passed. It was also resolved that the municipalities in Sind should be requested to introduce Hindi as the second language, in all schools.

THIRD DAY’S SITTING

            To day (April 20, 1919) there were two sittings in the morning and the evening, each lasting over four hours. The morning sitting was held one hour after owing to the pandal having been flooded by heavy rain on the previous night and the evening sitting had to be postponed from 5 to 7 p.m. and was held in the open space of the Dak Bungalow as the pandal grounds were flooded. The morning sitting was attended by about 1,000 persons, of whom about 600 were delegates, 150 members of the reception committee and the rest visitors. The evening sitting was attended by about 3,000 peoples, there being no restriction about tickets.

            There was animated discussion on resolutions on Hindu Moslem Unity, the Swadeshi movement, the Rowlatt Bills, Income tax and self determination.

            The proceedings of the conference were marked by order and sobriety seldom noticeable at such large gatherings.

            The following were among the resolutions passed at the two sitting:-

1. “This conference urges Government to budget adequate funds for the progressive provincialization of roads in Sind, so as to place Sind on a level with the rest of the Presidency in the matter of communications in as brief a period as possible”.
2. “This conference places on record the extreme dissatisfaction of the Zamindars of Sind at the operation of several of the Commissioner’s special circulars, particularly those relating to Follows and remission and requests Government to appoint a mixed committee to enquire into and report on the operation of the special circulars and the necessity and nature of their amendment.”
3. “This conference is emphatically of opinion that in the forthcoming legislation on local self government full popular control should be provided for, in all local self government institutions, entirely free of official control, with wholly elected Boards, completely responsible executive, enlarged functions and increased powers and taxation.”
4. “That in view of the passing of the Rowlatt Act despite united popular opposition this conference expresses sympathy with the Satyagraha movement started by Mahatama Gandhi.
5. “This conference calls upon the Government to publish the report of the committee appointed to enquire into the charges against Muhammad Ali and Shoukat Ali and in view of their extremely protracted interment and the irritable state of public feeling in the country on this account, to order their immediate release”.
6. “This conference further urges that all the Sind internees not yet released should be immediately set free”.
7. “This conference strongly supports the resolution of the Congress for the application of the principles of self determination to India and urges the Prime Minister of England, the Secretary of State for India and Lord Sinha to place this question before the Inter Allied peace Conference and the forthcoming peace Conference and requests the upholders of the principles of self determination at the peace Conference to support the claim of India for the application of the principle as outlined in the resolution of the Congress”.
8. “This Conference urges all the municipalities in Sind to introduce free and compulsory education within their limits,:
9. “This Conference greatly deplores the policy of persecution followed by Government against Lalla Lajpat Rai for a long number of years and strongly urges Government to grant him full freedom of movement and action”.
10. “This conference strongly urges Government the imperative necessity in the interests of the agricultural prosperity of Sind of the early commencement of the Sukkur Barrage and therefore requests Government to press forward the scheme without further delay”.
11. “This Conference strongly condemns the highly unjustified and undignified coercial methods adopted by Mr. Rothfeld, Collector of Sukkur for imposing house tax in Shikarpur despite the protests of the latter and the public and deprecates his action in withdrawing Rs.25,000 from the Municipal funds in an autocratic manner whereby he has placed the Municipality in such a position that it is unable to defray monthly expenses, The Governor of Bombay be approached by a telegram to cancel this unjust order”.
12. “This Conference is of opinion that the present system of control of food and prices in order that it may give real relief to the poor requires improved organization and therefore strongly urges Government to appoint for each district and important city a Committee of Control consisting of representative merchants and the Controller or Assistant Controller and exercising full powers of Control”.
13. “This Conference is of opinion that the newly constituted Municipality of Hyderabad should be given the power of electing its president by a bare majority as is the rule in all major municipalities in Sind”.
14. “This Conference urges the Government of Bombay to commence the work of erecting the public buildings of Karachi during the current year,”
15. “This Conference strongly condemns the action of the local authorities of Karachi in threatening persons who have been residents in British territorial though born in Indian states with removal from British territory if they co operate or participate in the demonstration and functions connected with the Satyagraha and Home Rule movements and urges Government to rescind any orders of removal that may have been issued against such persons.”
16. “This Conference strongly condemns the methods and means adopted by Government officials for imposing house tax in several cities and small towns in Sind despite vehement popular opposition and in direct conflict with the wishes of the people. This Conference further protests against the procedure of establishing notified areas which has as its real object the imposition of house tax.”
17. “This Conference urges on all the communities in Sind the imperative necessity of giving every encouragement to the Swadeshi movement”.
18. “This Conference is of opinion that the present arbitrary system of assessing Income tax results in great hardship on the people and is causing severe discontent in the country and the Conference therefore recommends that a committee of three non officials conversant with the practices and circumstances of each locality should be associated with the assessing officer for the purpose of assessment.”
19. “This Conference expresses its profound gratification at the growing feeling of unity and brotherhood between the Hindu and Muslim communities in India and urges the peoples of Sind to work for the strengthening and perpetuation of this bound of union as it is calculated to foster the growth of common nationhood.”

In the afternoon a Temperance conference was held in the pandal over which Mr. Kishindas Jhamrai, B.A, L.L.B Presided, In his presidential address he discussed at length the evils of drink and suggested legislation prohibiting the use of intoxicating drugs. Failing this he suggested the substitution of Licensing Boards of Abstainers as far as possible on place of the present Advisory Board which should have powers to grant licenses. Resolutions condemning the use of liquor generally and on marriages in particular, appreciating the sacrifice of certain newspapers for foregoing their income from advertisement for liquor, requesting Government to insert lessons on the evils of drink in text books, requesting Government not to allow more than one shop for every 10,000 people, requesting Government to close liquor shop on all holidays, and requesting Government to appoint a Licensing Board of abstainers as far as possible in place of the present Advisory Boards, were passed. (THE DAILY GAZETTE, WEDNESDAY, APRIL 23, 1919; PAGE NO.4)      

SEVENTH SIND PROVINCIAL CONFERENCE

HELD AT SUKKUR (1920)

The first sitting of the seventh Provincial Conference which was to take place today at 12 noon came off an hour and a half later as much of the time of the prominent members was taken up in the discussion in the Khilafat question at an informal meeting of leading Hindu and Muhammadan delegates.

            There appeared to have been some difference of opinion as regards the Khilafat question, most Hindu not being prepared to go the length proposed by Muhammadans. It is understood that after much discussion a compromise was arrived at. There were about 5,000 persons present including visitors of whom about 1,000 were Muhammadans. The special feature of this Conference was that there were about 500 peasant delegates for whom a fee of annas four was charged. There were also about 40 Muhammadan volunteers who were seen working in the pandal along with the Hindu volunteers. Among these present were the Hon. Mr. Harchand Rai , Mr. Jamshed, Mr, Bhurgri, Mr, Lalchand of Larkana, Mr. Murlidhar, Mr. Jeramdas , Mr. Hirdaram , Mr. Durgdas, Mr.Marriwalla , Mr. Sidhwa, Mr. Jethmal , Doctor Choithram, Swami Govindanand, Mr. Lokamal Chellaram and Mr. Santdas, Mr. Mulchand P., Mr. Bhojsing, Mr. Virumal, Mr. Vasmani, Mr. Jaswani, and Mr. Kishindas . After national and welcome songs the chairman of the Reception Committee, Mr. Viroomal Begraj read out his address in which he expressed his sorrow at the death of Diwan Pessumal Zoukiram, Chairman of the Reception Committee of the 1^st Provincial Conference, and Mr. Himatsing, General Secretary of the 1^st Conference and President of the 2^nd Conference held at Hyderabad. He rejoiced to see many Muhammadan delegates at the Conference, who were now taking greater and greater interests in political matters. At one time pointed out, sycophants and title hunters stood outside the Conference gates to keep away the Muhammadans from joining the Conference. Things were changing and they were realizing in increasing measure that personal interests must be subordinated to the interests of the nation, and that to help their needy brethren was of greater value than hunting after titles and high Govt. posts. After thanking various persons who had made it possible for him to undertake the delicate duties of Chairmanship, he referred to the auto crated powers of the Commissioner, which he said must be substantially decreased. He condemned the action of the Government in issuing search warrants in April last against respectable persons of unimpeachable character. The prosecution against Messrs. Durgdas and Marriwala and Jethmal were unwise but he was proud to see that Sind could boast of political martyrs men who had suffered imprisonment for the sake of their country. It was after 10 years that 3 Sindhis were tried for sedition, which showed that the political life in Sind was not so vigorous. Their leaders unlike other leaders of the provinces were timid. He was glad to find a National College in Hyderabad and he hoped branches of the College would be established in different parts of Sind. In Government College the atmosphere was cramped and the students were prohibited from attending any political meetings. In spite of their help in the Great War, the Government put on the statute book the Rowlatt Act which was an insult to them. What followed the agitation against the Act he said was known to them. The ruthless murder of innocent people at Amritsar was a standing shame to the honour of the British. The regime of the Martial Law was too terrible to to be described. The Royal proclamation was conceived in a generous spirit but the men on the spot had not carried out fully the intentions of His Majesty. He expressed his joy at the release of Lala Lajpatrai, Lala Harkishin Lal, and others including their Sindhi fighters Messrs. Durgdas, Jethmal and Marriwala. He pointed out the difficulties under which Zamindars, Mukhis and Jagirdas were undergoing on account of the tyranny of the petty Government officials. The institution of the system of Honorary Magistrate ship had not remedied the evil, as those posts were given to persons who were Jo Hukmms of the government who would say that India should not get Home Rule, but if she should they should get the large share in the administration of their country. The Government accused their voters of corrupt practices but it did mind how the posts of Honorary Magistrate ship and Municipal Councillorship were being conferred on the people. Mr. Norton had declared that until the government did away with the system conferring titles the officials would never efficiently carry out the machinery of the government. For the idea of Home Rule they were great full first to Dadabhoy Narojee, and then to Tilak and Mrs. Besant. They had no control over their purse and in the budget a deficit of 19 crores was shown. They were undergoing great hardship on account of the system of Railway administration. The C.I.D. was persecuting the most respectable among them. He appealed to them to use Swadeshi articles for the economic prosperity of their country. The hardships of Income Tax were untold. Irresponsible officials were persecuting poor people, as was evident from the example of one Lakhi, a confectioner who was asked to pay Rs. 1,281, and in the appeal he had got the amount reduced to Rs. 86 only. Another man after the appeal had to pay only Rs. 75 when before it he was to pay Rs. 6,000. The Press Act a most harsh measure was condemned alike by the Moderates and Extremists. He expressed his satisfaction that securities were returned to some papers. Referring to the Khalifat question he said the whole India was now engaged in endavouring to bring about a just settlement of the question. The Turks should get Turkey for the protection of Muslims and others and should have suzerainty over the holy places. Arabia should get self government. He condemned the action of some Muhammadans who were secretly working against the Khilafat question. The demonstration of the 19^th March was a testimony of the Hindu Moslem Unity. Austria was politically secure; Turkey therefore should not be broken to pieces. For securing the co-operation of the people, Press Act, Arms Act, Rowlatt Act, Indemnity Act and other repressive acts should be removed from the statute book. Indians should be given a predominant share in the administration of their country and should be freely admitted in Army and Navy. Rasai still continued to be a standing evil. Mr. Tilak and others were clearly saying that the Reforms were disappointing and unsatisfactory. Many English companies were getting facilities for carrying out their business enterprise. The Government was very clever in setting Moderates against Extremists. For the sake of prestige the Government was not remedying many wrongs. The speeches on cow protection of Maulana Shoukat Ali and others must stir the hearts of Hindu. Mahatma Gandhi, who had the indomitable courage of Napolean stood for non violence and he hoped in considering the measures to meet the exigency of situation created by the Khilafat and other question they will follow his principle of Satyagrah. In the end he closed his speech with the cry of Allaho Akbar and Bande Matram.

ELECTION OF PRESIDENT

            After this Mr. Mulchand Pessumal rose to ratify the election of the President. Mr. Murlidhar of Shikarpur, Mr. Junijo of Larkana, Mr. Aminudin of Hyderabad,               Mr. Gurdino mal from Mirpurkhas, Mr. Hotchand of Jacobabad, Mr. Jethmal of Hyderabad, and Seth Lalumal of Karachi one after another formally seconded the proposition, after which Seth Haji Abdullah Haroon took his presidential seat and was garlanded among cries of Allaho Akbar and Bande Matram. (The Daily Gazette,  dated April 5, 1920 Page 10).

SECOND SITTING

            The second sitting of the Provincial Conference came off this morning under the presidency of Seth Hajee Abdul Haroon and lasted for about four hours. The attendance at this session was much larger than what it was yesterday and every available space was occupied. A larger number of Muhammadans mostly peasants also were in audience. About 1,000 delegate’s tickets appeared to have been issued. The number of visitors far exceeded the usual number. At this sitting the following four resolutions were passed;

FIRST RESOLUTION

• This Conference places on record it’s most emphatic opinion that the maintenance of the present position of the Commissioner in Sind is inconsistent with the introduction of the principle of responsibility and powers of popular control and influence granted by the Reform Act and is against the vital interests of the province of Sind. It therefore strongly urges upon Government the imperative necessity, in the interests of the continuance of the Bombay Sind connection, of repealing Act V of 1868 and withdrawing all the powers delegated to the Commissioner in Sind whether under that Act or the Decentralization Act of 1914 which are at present in excess of those enjoyed by the Commissioners of other Divisions.
• This Conference appoints the following committee to prepare a representation in support of the above demand: Mr. Sandas, Mr. Jermadas, Mr. Lulla and Mr. Gopaldas.

This Conference also appoints the following deputation to wait upon His Excellency the Governor of Bombay with a memorial: Hon. Mr. Harchandrai, Hon. Mr. Bhurgri, Hajee Abdullah Haroon, Mr. Murlidhar, Mr. Bhojsing, Mr. Jeramdas, Mr. Jan Muhammad, Mr. Durgdas, Mr. Mulchand Pessumal, Professor Vaswani, Moulvi Abdul Ghafur, Mr. Pessumal from Nawabshah.

Proposed by Mr. Gopaldas, seconded by Santdas and supported by Abdul Majid and Jan Muhammad.

SECOND RESOLUTION

• This Conference regrets that the non Muslims of Sind have been given very inadequate representation on the Bombay Legislative Council under the Reform Act as compared with non Muslims in the Presidency and strongly urges that the non Muslim representation be increased from three to five members by doubling their rural representation in consideration of their great voting strength, the extensive areas of their constituencies and the fact that the non Mussulman minority in Sind deserves the same treatment as the Muslim minority in the Presidency proper.
• And in order to maintain the Muslim and non Muslim proportion fixed by the Lucknow pact and in view of the fact that the Muhammadans of Sind are under represented, one more seat be given to Muhammadans of Sind.
• The same committees as was appointed under Resolution, be appointed for the same purpose.

Proposed by Mr. Santdas, seconded by Mr. Murlidhar and supported by Dr. Nur Mahamud.

THIRD RESOLUTION

• This Conference most strongly condemns the attempts being made in South Africa and particularly the Transvaal to deprive the Indian settlers of the rights of property, trade and residence hitherto enjoyed by them and trusts that the Government of India will secure the repeal of the recently enacted legislation and otherwise ensure the protection of the Indian settlers in South Africa.
• This Conference is of opinion that the Anti-Indian agitation now going on in East Africa is utterly unscrupulous and trusts that the Government of India will safeguard the rights of free and unrestricted emigration from India to East Africa and the full civil and political rights of the Indian settlers in East Africa including the East Africa territory conquered from Germany.
• This Conference has learnt with apprehension news about recent riots in Fiji and to ascertain the real causes of the discontent the Conference urges upon Government of India to urge Indian representation in the Commission of Enquiry appointed by the Fihi government.
• This Conference views with alarm the recent revolutionary changes from the rupee to the Sterling standard introduced in the currency system of East Africa, as they are sure to lead to economic ruin to the Indian community there.

Proposed by Dr. Choithram, seconded by Mr. Mulchand P. and supported by Lalchand Advani and Dr. Ahmed.

FOURTH RESOLUTION

This Conference urges the Government to take early measures to repeal the Press Act, the Seditious meeting Act and all other repressive legislature as the continuance of such legislature on Statue Book is inconsistent with the new era promised in the Royal proclamation.

FIFTH RESOLUTION

This conference lodges its most emphatic protest against the unjustified deportation of Mr. Horniman and strongly urges the Governor of Bombay and Viceroy to order cancellation of the order of deportation of Mr. Horniman and strongly urges the Governor of Bombay and Viceroy to order cancellation of the order of deportation and grant him passports for his immediate return to India.

            Proposed by Hon. Mr. Harchandrai, seconded by Mr. Kishindas.

            In moving the first resolution with regard to the powers delegated to the Commissioner in Sind, Mr. Gopaldas Jhamatmal traced the history of Sind administration from the time of the British Conquest of Sind when the province was placed under a separate Governor to the present day.

            In course of time with the improved communications it was placed under the Government of Bombay. Owing to great distance however it was found necessary in 1868 to pass an Act by which all the powers of the Governor could be delegated to the Commissioner in Sind. After the report of the Decentralization Committee almost all the powers had been delegated to the Commissioner. These powers, if not withdrawn, would loose the beneficial effect of the recent reforms.

            Mr. Santdas in seconding the resolution said that powers were delegated to the Commissioner under 78 Acts. The speaker had gone through the correspondence which had led to the passing of the Act 5 of 1868. In those days the Commissioner had not even the power of transferring prisoners from one jail to another. This was the reason on which the recommendation for the passing of the above act was based. Gradually other powers were given till at last the Commissioner now enjoyed almost all the powers of the Governor.

            Mr. Jonejo, of Larkana in supporting the resolution declared the Commissioner with such extensive powers as a calamity for them. He could make and unmake any body. He could raise any body to heaven and hurl down any body to hell. He referred to the unjustified searches of Hon. Mr. Bhurgri and other respectable people in Hyderabad. He referred to the treatment received at the hands of Government by Pir Pagaro and sympathized with the Hurs who where shut up in one place. Referring to Zamindars he said that they were completely at the mercy of the Commissioner and that accounted for the presence of so few Zamindars at the Conference. The Commissioner he said, enjoyed more powers than even King George, V, himself. In conclusion he said that such powers possessed by the Commissioner he would prefer leaving the place and living elsewhere.

In moving the second resolution regarding the inadequate representation of the non Muslims of Sind in the Bombay Legislative Council, Mr. Santdas said that in accordance with the Congress League Pact at Lucknow 46 seats were assigned to non Muslims and 27 to Muhammadans of which 13 Muslim seats were assigned to Sind Muslim and only 3 to non Muslims. This had placed the Sind non Muslims at a great disadvantage when compared with the non Muslims of the Presidency. They did not want to disturb the distribution already made but suggested the creation of two more seats for Hindus and one for Muhammadan as the Act gave powers for the increase of the numbers of seats to the extent of 5%

            At this stage a Bania created a scene by entering the Pandal and beating his head said that he had been unjustly treated by the Income tax authorities who had got him handcuffed and brought about his ruin. He was asked to sit down and the President ruled that he should be heard at the time of taking Income tax resolution.

            Mr. Murlidhar of Shikarpur said that he had seen the Secretary of State for India and Lord Sinha in this connection and had received an encouraging reply. They had both admitted the justness of the claim but wanted some representation from the public. Last week the speaker said he had seen the Reform Commissioner Mr. Seddon who raised several objections which were not so serious.

Dr. Nur Mahomad in supporting the resolution said that the Hindus had done them a favor at the Licknow Congress League Compact and they were under a deep debt of obligation to them that they had assigned to them one third the total number of seats in Councils. He was not yet quite sure whether the Muhammadan community in view of the circumstances brought about by Khilafat question would participate in the coming elections but personally he would not object to any Muslim seats being given to Hindus.

            In moving the third resolution regarding the Indians in Africa, Dr. Choithram reviewed the whole situation from the very beginning and said that they were having recourse to queer pretext for excluding the Indians from Africa. The act laid down that undesirables were to be excluded but everybody knew that it will be applied to Indians. In the end he suggested that if the Colonies did not come round, the British Government should declare war against them and the Indians would heartily so-operate with them. Before passing the above resolution Mai Suraswati a Mahratta lady of Karachi sang a beautiful song reviewing the economic condition of India which touched the hearts of the whole audience.

            In moving the fourth resolution regarding the repressive measures about the press, Mr. Bhojsing referred to the Press Act of 1910 when he said an assurance was given that the High Court will have adequate powers over the acts of the Executives. The High Courts however had declared that their hands were tied and they could not interfere in these matters. He declared that the present was a suitable time for abolishing all the repressive measures.

            Swami Goverdanand in seconding the resolution compared the Editors of papers with Rishis who did great services to the public. But for these repressive measures incidents like the Jallianwalla tragedy would never have occurred. Such things could only happen when the press was suppressed at the time. Mr. Bunga in supporting the resolution said that being a Journalist himself he could speak from personal knowledge. He said that the Press Act was most iniquitous in working as it differentiated between Indians and Anglo Indian papers. It also made distinctions between papers that expressed moderate view and those that voiced forth national opinions.

            Mr. Jethmal supporting the resolution said that Bureaucracy was responsible for this state of things. They were proving rebellious to their King Emperor who had enjoined them to work in co-operation. Security had been returned to many papers but with held from some who fearlessly voiced forth nationalist views. The papers to which the security had not been returned were being looked upon with great respect and such as were doing service to the country.

            The last resolution regarding the deportation of Mr. Horniman was moved by the Hon. Mr. Harchand Rai. Only two charges leveled at Mr. Horniman by the advocates of government action were sati factionary refuted by Mr. Horniman himself and it was rather unmanly on the part of Government to have stabbed him in the dark without giving him an opportunity of clearing himself. Mr. Kichindas Jharmrai seconded the resolution which was passed. The third sitting of the Conference takes place tomorrow at 1p.m. (The Daily Gazette, dated April 6, 1920 Page No: 9)

SIND PROVINCIAL CONFERENCE:

LAST MEETING

            The third and last sitting of the Provincial Conference which was to be held at 12 noon had to be postponed to 2 p.m. owing to prolongation of the meeting of the Subject Committee in the morning. The attendance at this meeting was not as large as at the first two sittings because of the absence of almost all the Muhammadan delegates and visitors who were at the Muslim League meeting which was being held at the same time. The pandal was however full except a few galleries at the extremity which were unoccupied throughout the sitting. This year, proper attention does not appear to have been given to keep order in the pandal with the result that several visitors were found in the delegates seats and several boys under 21 were also there so that some delegates proper at to days sitting found that their seats had been occupied and there were no more seats available in that block. Several Sukkur people were found occupying Karachi and Hyderabad blocks which were nearest to the platform. The volunteers could not enforce proper discipline as they appeared more anxious to seat themselves whether in chairs or on the ground near the speaker than stick to the posts assigned to them. The proceedings commenced with the singing of the national song after which the following resolution was moved by Mr. Santdas of Hyderabad.

REPRESSIVE POLICY

“This Conference expressed its severe condemnation at the repressive policy pursued in Sind by Mr. H. S. Lawence and other officials in Sind in April last.

            “This Conference is further of opinion that the above official took advantage of the critical situation which had developed in other parts of India, for the purpose of striking a blow at all political workers in Sind, by prosecuting some and instituting searches and arresting others on palpably false allegations.

            This Conference regrets that no action has been taken against the officials concerned and urges upon the Government of Bombay the absolute necessity of taking actions against Mr. Lawrence and such other officials as were concerned in the agitation and carrying out of that repressive policy.”

            Mr. Santdas in moving the above resolution said that action taken against the political workers at Hyderabad was based on the police report made on the 26^th April with respect to a plot at Mr. Bhurgri’s bungalow on 28^th March, in connection with the closing of shops by force. When however it was satisfactorily shown that Mr. Bhurgri was out of Hyderabad on that day the officials concerned were in affix and had eventually to acknowledge their mistake and withdraw the cases against all. The matter, the speaker said had reached the ears of Mr. Montagu and he was fully informed of the whole case of Mr. Bhurgri.

Mr. Abdul Karim who seconded the resolution said that when poor people were tried for offences alleged to have been committed by them why should the officials whose duty it was to safeguard their property and person, escape punishment if they were found guilty. Mr. Sidhya in supporting the resolution gave his personal experience regarding the search of his house and said that he was credibly informed that the same Mr. Lawrence was coming back to rule over the province in May next and therefore they should protest against his being here where he had proved a failure. The resolution was unanimously carried.

LOYAL EXPRESSION

The next resolution moved with regard to offering thanks to His Majesty the King Emperor for his gracious proclamation of 23^rd December 1919, which unanimously passed.

JALLIANWALLA FUND

In moving the next resolution urging all the Sindhis to do patriotic duty in subscripting liberally towards the Jalianwalla Bagh fund. Mr. Lokamal Chellaram made a stirring speech with regard to the Jallianwala tragedy and made an appeal for funds in suitable terms. Mr. Narsinglal who seconded the resolution stated that about 1,200 had been killed and about 3,600 wounded in the Jallianwalla tragedy and it was their imperative duty to do something in memory of those that had fallen when nothing was done to punish the perpetrators for their unmanly conduct. Mr. Choithram in supporting the resolution said that their object was not to perpetrate the memory of hatred against the British or General Dyer but to keep memory of those that had fallen. About ten lakhs of rupees, the speaker said, were required of which Sind was expected to contribute Rs. 50,000. He announced that Mr. Jamshed Mehta, MukhiJethanand, the Hon. Mr. Bhurgri and two others had subscribed Rs. 1,000 each and made an appeal to the wealthy sethias and others to subscribe Liberally. The appeal received a hearty response and about Rs. 15,000 was subscribed on the spot. Hon. Mr. Bhurgri, and Seth Hajee Abdul Satar each subscribed Rs. 1,000. Messrs Murlidhar, Rejhumal Lahori and Hirdaram each subscribed Rs. 500. Seth Khemchand, Mr. Suganlal, Seth Hajee Satar and Seth Sundersing each subscribed Rs. 250. Seth Madandas Mendo, Seth Girdhridas, Seth Chellasing each subscribed Rs. 20. About a dozen subscribed Rs. 150 or 151 each. About 20 subscribed Rs. 100 or a little each. The number of those that subscribed under Rs. 100 each was also considerable. A hat that was sent round the pandal also brought in a good sum. A medal of Mrs. Annie Besant worn by Doctor Choithram was offered by him for the Jallianwalla fund. It was put to auction and knocked down of Rs. 701 to Seth Ratanchand Virbhandas Jumani. A Sind work boy from Hyderabad gave away his watch towards the fund. It was auctioned and fetched Rs. 225. Mahraj Gandi’s Secretary ring was likewise sold for Rs. 150. A poor hari gave away his stick which fetched Rs. 50 in the auction. A photo of leaders of India hung up at the entrance of the Pandal was sold for Rs. 125 to Mr. Hirdaram who again presented it to the National College. One shoe maker by name Dhanji paid Rs. 6. Several boys also paid small sums and some of them gave their gold buttons.

            One girl who was present there took out a gold earning from her ear and offered it to the fund. This fetched Rs. 125 at the auction. The audience expressed strong desire to have all the things received put to auction but as much of the time of the Conference had been taken up in the work of collection, Mr. Santdas was called upon to read the following resolution from the Chair as they were fully discussed in the subject Committee and were of non-contentious character, and all were earned unanimously

RASAI

The Conference most emphatically protests against the inordinate delay in the publication of the report of the Rasai Committee appointed in March 1918 and strongly urges upon Government, the imperative necessity of the immediate publication of the report and the recommendation of the Government as any further delay will only strengthen the popular belief that Government is not serious in its attitude against the evil custom.

(b) This Conference regrets that even during the last two years which the report of the inquiry and Governments decision have been awaited for Rasai, Lapo and Chher have continued unabated.

LABOUR UNION

This conference urges the District Congress Committee in Sind to promote labor unions throughout the Province with a view to improving social, economic and political conditions of the laboring classes and securing for them a fair standard of living and a proper place in the body politic of India.

LANDLORD AND TENANT

That the Committee consisting of Hon. Mr. Bhurgri, Mr. Santdas and Mr. Gunshamdas be appointed to enquire into and report on the relations now existing between the zamindars and haris of Sind and recommend the measure that may be necessary for more equitably readjusting their relations.

COW SLAUGHTER

That this Conference tenders its hearty thanks to Muslims of India and particularly the Muslims of Sind for their resolution to respect the wishes of their Hindu brethren by avoiding cow-slaughter.

BOMBAY SIND RAILWAY

This Conference earnestly appeal the Government of Bombay to take very early steps to arrange a direct Railway connection between Bombay and Sind either through Cutch or via Nagarparkar and Deesa as a much shorter railway route than the existing one vitally affects the political and economic interests of Sind.

Translation of Vernacular Newspaper.

            This conference is emphatically of opinion that in view of the fact that the Government of Bombay is not in adequate touch with public opinion in Sind. It is essential that the vernacular papers of Sind be translated in the office of the Oriental Translator at Bombay and submitted by him to the Bombay Government and the Commissioner in Sind.

ROWLATT ACT

            This Conference is firmly of opinion that there would be no real peace in the country until the Rowlatt Act which has caused unprecedented feeling is repealed and therefore earnestly asks the Right Honorable the Secretary of State for India to advise the viceroy to take immediate steps to have it repealed.

DEPORTATION

            This conference strongly protests against the action of the Commissioner in Sind for deporting three Indian gentlemen of Karachi, born in Indian States but residents of British India for long period, for their identifying themselves with the Satyagarha Movement, classing them as foreigners. This conference demands from the Government of India immediate repeal of such powers of the Commissioner in Sind and further to compensate those three gentlemen for all losses borne by them through such misuse of powers by Mr. Lawrence, the late Commissioner in Sind.

RAILWAY PASSENGER’S TROUBLES

            That this Conference brings to the notice of the Railway authorities the inconveniences and hardship which the 3^rd class passengers from whom the largest portion of the Railway revenue is derived have to suffer owing to:-

• Habitual overcrowding in Railway trains.
• Lack of several necessary facilities for traveling and of sanitary conveniences.
• Disregard of Railway servants of their duties towards the public.
• Rough, insolent and impolite behavior of some of the Railway servants towards Indians in general and 3^rd class passengers in particular, and that this Conference requests that early action may be taken to remedy these grievances and it further urges that Government should see that no Railway body has the right of reserving compartments for only certain section of a community such as Europeans and Eurasians and Anglo Indians.
• This Conference further urges that not more than half the total authorized number of passengers allowable to travel by day should be allowed to travel by night in the same compartments.

DOCK PASSENGR’S GRIEVANCES

      This Conference views with great dissatisfaction the very bad treatment meted out to the passengers of the B.I.S.N. Co at the Cutch and Kathiawar Coast ports and urges the Government of Bombay to appoint a Committee to look into the grievances and to redress them at an early dates.

RAILWAY FARES

      This Conference urges the Government of India to immediately reduce the Railway fares which had been increased during the war to pre war level and to reintroduce the system of Return ticket.

KARCHI DELHI RAILWAY

      This Conference requests the Government of India to take the construction work of the Karachi Delhi Railway at a very early date.

      This Conference brings to the notice of the Agent, North Western Railway, Lahore that although the authorities sanctioned in the month of February to attach a through compartment of First and Second Class for Karachi Delhi and vice versa, the practice is not regularly followed and it is hoped that this will be given effect to strictly.

      Higher Posts in Bombay Government Department.

      This Conference views with great dissatisfaction the Government of Bombay’s decision in showing undue favoritism to persons of European Parentage in the matter of appointments to the Public Services in this Presidency and believes that unless this racial distinction is removed the new era would not produce the desired effect in the country.

INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT

      This Conference urges upon the people of Sind that the economic improvement of country demands a practical propaganda for the Industrial Development especially of artisan classes and therefore earnestly urges the adoption of Swadeshi.

AMNESTY

      This Conference strongly protests against the inadequate effect given to the amnesty clause in the Royal Proclamation and urges Government that all persons convicted of any offence connected with the political movement in India or interned or deported for political reasons should be immediately released and granted full liberty of action and movement, and in case where release is not considered consistent with public safety the grounds for such contentions be published. This Conference further urges the All India Congress Committee to organize agitation in the country and take other suitable steps to make Government give full effect to the intention of the proclamation in this behalf.

KHILAFAT

      This Conference is of opinion that an alarming situation will arise in India if the Turkish Peace settlement is not compatible with the demands made by Moslems of India and requests the All India congress Committee and all Indian Moslem League Council, and Central Khilafat Committee to consider what steps should be taken in the event of failure of a satisfactory settlement of the Turkish problem.

ROYAL PROCLAMATION

      This Conference tenders its respectful thanks to his Majesty the King Emperor for his Gracious Proclamation dated the 23^rd December, 1919 and wholeheartedly welcomes the announcement of the Prince of Wales visit to India and trusts that by the time of the Prince’s visit to our Country the question of the Khilafat will be so amicably settled as to enable millions of His Majesty’s subject in India to give him whole hearted reception.

INCOME TAX

      This Conference realizing the good intention of the Government of India orders with respect to the right working of Income tax laws, is of opinion that its working still continues to cause great dissatisfaction and discontent in many places in Sind and urges the authorities to openly issue such instructions to the Income Tax Collectors and Commissioner to administrate those laws in just and fair spirit.

2. This Conference is of opinion that the working of the Income Tax Act will be greatly frustrated if in the event of Income Tax Collector not accepting the figures of D. Form, the decision of assessment be not entrusted to the arbitration of three non official persons, one elected by the Collector and one by the Assesses and a Sirpunch elected by the two arbitrators.
3. This Conference is further of opinion that the present system of the appellate authority having no other agency of advice but that of Income Tax Collector is unjust and therefore demands that an advisory Board of 3 non official persons be appointed at each place to advise the appellate Commissioner just as is done in matters of rent Act appeals.
4. This Conference protests against un-business like and discourteous treatment accorded to assesses during their attendance in the Income Tax Office and urges that adequate provision should be made for the comfort of the assesses and they should be treated with courtesy and consideration and all possible facilities be given to avoid waste of time caused by prolonged attendance and frequent postponements.

INDIANS ON N.W.R. STAFFS

      This Conference notes with regret and bring it to the attention of the N.W.Ry. Administration and the Railway Board that there are no Indian employees in the higher grades of services of the Loco Department and other services e.g. Loco Superintendents, Assistants and even Foreman of different shops and urges on the authorities concerned to take immediate steps to open the appointments to Indians freely.

      This Conference places on record its emphatic protests against the invidious racial distinction observed by the Railway authorities in the grant of pay to Europeans, Anglo Indians, Native Christians and Paris and Indians holding the same appointment and demands the immediate abolition of the same.

      That this Conference tenders its hearty thanks to the Members of the Congress Sub-Committee for their hard and earnest work in making through enquiries and a report regarding the martial law affairs in Punjab for the information of all people.

      That this Conference offers its highest respects to Mahatma Gandhi, Pandit Madan Mohan Malya and Pandit Motilal Nehru for their great services to Punjab in its extremely difficult days.

      That this Conference is of emphatic opinion that Indians born in Indian States, residing in British India should receive all privileges under the new Reform and Scheme, and requests the Government of India to extend to them all those privileges of the Indians.

MUNICIPALITY EDUCATION

      This Conference urges all Municipalities to frame schemes of Primary free and compulsory education and further urges the Municipal Councilors to find means for working such schemes if need be by extra taxation and requests the public to support such scheme and extra burden of such taxation whole heartedly and where adequate funds are not available to the Municipalities of cities which can not bear additional taxation no maximum limit should be fixed to the proportion of grant-in-aid by Government.

PUNJAB QUESTION

      This Conference is of opinion that whilst Mob excesses, although committed after grave provocation were worthy of condemnation, the deliberate and calculated massacre without warning by General Dyer, of innocent, unarmed and otherwise defenseless people at Jalianwala Bagh was an unexampled act of barbarity and hopes that the Government of India and the Home Government will take such steps as will render impossible a repetition of such barbarities committed by responsible officers in the Punjab during period of martial law and hopes that recommendations made by the Punjab Sub Committee of the Indian National Congress will be carried out in their entirety.

      (b) That all the official offenders should be immediately cashiered and impeachment or criminal proceedings be forthwith instituted against them.

      (c) That an all India Deputation should forthwith proceed to England to place before the British Democracy and His Majesty’s Ministers, the true facts of the Martial law regime and to press for the carrying out of the Indian wishes.

      (d) That the persons convicted with the last April disturbances not yet released be immediately released.

HONORARY MAGISTRATES

      That in the opinion of this conference the system of appointing Honorary Magistrates and Benches on the recommendation of the Executive Officers and police has proved a failure and that in future Honorary Magistrates and Benches should be elected by the people as the Municipal Councilors are elected.

RENT ACT

      That this Conference thanks the Government for introducing Rent Act at Bombay, Karachi, and Calcutta etc. and urges its extension for a further period of 2 years and also at other places of India wherever demanded.

BARRAGE SCHEME

      This Conference urges that the Government should not acquire mosques, cremation grounds, and Gowshala and Goua rest house at Sukkur for the purpose connected with barrage.

ROBIN HOODS OF INDIA

                  The resolution about Hur settlement was proposed by Mr. Jonejo, Bar-at-law of Larkana. He said that thousands of his co-religionists, men, women and children who had committed no actual offence had been confined in what were called settlements or enclosures. There they were treated as if they were animals. It was monstrous to deprive them of their liberty and other human rights simply because they were Hurs. Mr. Santdas Mangharam, pleader of Hyderabad, Sind, in seconding the resolution said that the Hurs were confined under the Criminal Tribes Act. Lately in the time of Mr. Lucas, Commissioner in Sind. Lots of Hur families had been deported to Ahmednagar where they were under similar restraint. It was quite wrong to punish people against whom there was no regular charge. Those guilty of any offences may very well be treated with severity but not the others. Children must not be condemned because they were born of their parents. Mr. Murlidhar, pleader of Shikarpur, moved an amendment proposing the following committee to enquire into the question and report; Hon. Mr. Bhurgari, Hon. Mr. Harchandrai, Messrs. Hirdaram Mewaram, Jethmal Parsram, Jairamdas Doultram, Santdas Manghara, pleader Jonejo and Mukhi Jethanand of Hyderabad Sind. He said that the Hurs were confined for the security of life and property of the people and not of the officials. The Government acted from good motives and opened schools for them, and they were permitted to go out to their cultivation. So far as he knew they were a dangerous Criminal Tribe who committed murder and theft as their profession. But the speaker only suggested a committee of enquiry which he taught would establish the un safety or letting these people at large. Seth Lokamal Chellaram of Karachi seconded him and spoke of those terrors of Thar, Bachoo Badhshah and Piroo Vazir. Mr. Jethmal Parsram said that he knew something of Hurs and had even lived among them but they were not such a bad lot. There was a question of principle involved in this question. The Conference was passing resolution against the deportation of Mr. Horniman and the expulsion from Karachi of three Kathiawari gentlemen. The Government said they were dangerous but there was nothing definite alleged against them. In the same way the Hurs must not be condemned because of general charge. He traced the pedigree to Main Hur who had been hired by Yazid to murder the Imams Hassan and Hussein but who fought for the latter as soon as he saw them. Some spoke of the Zulum (tyranny) practiced by the Police kept in charge of the Hur settlement. He was however not against the appointment of Mr. Murlidhar’s committee, Mr. Lalchand Jagtiani, teacher, New High School, Karachi said that he had lived as a boy among Hurs and had mixed with them. Some were no doubt thieves and murderers but they had their good qualities. In Europe such men would be educated and turned into good citizens. He referred to Robin Hood in this connection. Eventually the amendment was carried. The next resolution about the impeachment of the Viceroy and Sir Michael O ’Dwyer and General Dyer was moved from the chair and passed unanimously.

NEW COLLEGE

      After half an hour’s recess the Conference met again at night fall and the invitation given by Mirpurkhas delegates to hold the next conference there was accepted. The 20^th resolution was about location of the proposed Government Arts and Agriculture College on which there was a somewhat warm discussion. Mr. Murlidhar moved that the Colleges be located in Upper Sind where there was greater need for them as Hyderabad Sind was near Karachi and had a National College already and was moreover more advanced. Hon. Mr. Harchandrai in seconding said that Hyderabad students could afford to go to Baroda, Bombay and Poona even though they had a College at Hyderabad, Sind. He was of opinion that the need of Upper Sind was greater. Not only Upper Sind delegates who were undoubtedly in a great majority, wanted the College in their midst but Karachi delegates and even a few Hyderabadi delegates supported them. Mr. Lalchand A. Advani moved an amendment that a committee of the following gentlemen be appointed to report within a month where the College should be; Mr. Murlidhar, pleader, Mr. Mulchand Pessumal, Mr. Viroomal Begraj, Mr. Bhojsing Gurdinomal, Mr. Kishindas Jhamraj, Raj Bahadur, Mr. Bulchand Dayaram, Mr. Khemchand Ambritrai and Hon Mr. Bhurgari. He said that he had purposely put five Upper Sindhis out of nine members.

      He would not mind if the decision was in favour of Upper Sind. Mr. Gopaldas Jhamatmal seconded the amendment and said that it was not proper that a question like this which was between one district and another should be taken up at a provincial conference held in one of the districts concerned which necessarily had a large preponderance of local delegates. He would have opposed the bringing up of such a question at the Hyderabad Session. Mr. Santdas moved another amendment that the question be simply dropped. He was not for a Government College at all. But here there was question between two rival claimants; Mr. Jamshed N.R. Mehta regretted the “tug of war” between Hyderabad and Upper Sind. only one College was being given and Lower Sind would do well to give in. Mr. Viroomal Begraj said he was pained Mr. Mehta’s use of the words “tug of war”. He was sure there was no such conflict. He personally would not send his boys to a Government College, but as Upper Sind needed a College badly, he would appeal to Hyderabadis with all earnestness to give up their claim. Mukhi Jethanand said that he was speaking as a Sindhi. He would personally not mind asking Hyderabadis in favour of Upper Sind but here all thought that this Conference should not take up this question. Votes then taken and the proportion was carried by an overwhelming majority. Hereupon Mr. Gopaldas J.A. left the Conference in disgust.

REFORM’S RESOLUTION

      The last resolution was about the Reforms. It was moved by Mr. Durgdas Advani and it said that the Reforms were inadequate, unsatisfactory and disappointing and was on the Congress lines. It proved the cause of great disagreement in the Conference which broke up in the greatest disorder. The President said that four amendments had been handed to him and the discussion would be very long. It was a late hour already. He and many others had to leave by 10-30 p.m. train and they could also not stay for the next day having already reserved their berths. He suggested therefore this question should be dropped. At once there was a storm of indignation for which there were several causes. The most ardent followers of Mr. Tilak alleged that this was a device of the followers of Mrs. Besant. Why was this resolution not brought up earlier? Why could not the delegates stay a day longer? The Muhammadans who were dissatisfied with the resolution of the Conference about the Khilafat question and the welcome of the Prince of Wales sided with the Tilak party. The President was openly insulted and accused of partiality. There was great noise and commotion. Hurriedly the chairman of the reception committee, the very popular Mr. Viroomal Begraj moved a brief vote of thanks to the chair and Mr. Lokamal Chellaram seconded him. Then there was noise and disorder again and bitter recrimination and the president and other office bearers left. Mr. Tilka’s followers then went about among the audience and said that Tilak had desired that the Conference should pass a resolution on the Congress lines and they wanted the delegates to stay on and pass the resolution by electing another president for the time. This went on for some time when the captain of volunteers requested all to leave the pandal as the furniture had to be checked and returned the next morning and the Police Superintendent had given the ground on condition that the pandal would not be given to any one else without his permission. The gentlemen who already defied the chair wanted at first to defy the volunteers but Mr. Durgdas said that the meeting should be held outside or in the Muslim League pandal. Then the people began to go out. The protest meeting was then held in the open, Mr. Durgdas being elected Chairman and less than one hundred people being present. The resolution about the Reforms was adopted. Mr. Zafar Ali Khan of Delhi who had come down from the Punjab that morning in connection with the Khilafat movement was present at the meeting with several Muhammadans and supported the resolution strongly. Swami Govindanand took the most active part in the protest. (THE DAILY GAZETTE, THURSDAY, APRIL8, 1920, PAGE 4 & 5)

SPECIAL SINDH PROVICIAL CONFERENCE

HELD AT HYDERABAD

AUGUST 1920

SPECIAL

SIND PROVINCIAL CONFERENCE

HYDERABAD (1920)

                                                                                                                  August 28

At the Special Sind Provincial Conference the President Mr. Durgdas B. Advani said, he took it as a mark of special favour that he had been chosen to preside over a Conference which was to discuss grave problems and was being held at an intellectual centre like Hyderabad where political activity was great and the different lines of political thought well defined. After deploring the death of Mr. Tilak at this critical hour he discussed the Reform Act, which had been unfortunately eclipsed by the Punjab tragedy and the Khilafat question. Speaking at some length he then treated of various questions of the hour, using, however, arguments favored by his party and already familiar to the average ready.

                                                                                                                  August 29

      The Subjects Committee sat till midnight yesterday and again from 8 to 10-30 this morning (August 29, 1920)  after which the proceedings of the Conference were taken up. The first resolution expressed grief at Mr. Tilak’s death, who was described as the greatest nation builder and political leader of Modern times. This was passed in silence by the audience standing. A moving song about the event was the sung. Mr. T.L. Vaswani then moved that Non-Co-operation according to Mr. Ghandhi’s plan should be given effect to, to bring about a revision of the Turkish and the demands of the Congress Sub- Committee report on  the Punjab atrocities, the mover deferring his speech. He was seconded by Haji Abdullah Haroon of Karachi. An a amendment was moved by Mr. Santdass and seconded by Mr. Gopaldas declaring non-co-operation as futile and inexpedient. Prof. Ghanshyam moved another amendment which was in favour of non-co-operation but slightly differing from Mr. Ghandi’s scheme. Dr. choithram moved a third amendment which differed from Mr. Vaswani’s and Mr. Ghanshym’s in deprecating Police and Army resignations. Swami Govindanand moved a fourth amendment in which an addition was made to Mr. Vaswani’s proposition to the effect that non-co-operation was to go on till India got complete independence. He was seconded by Mr. Lalchand A. Jagtiani of Karachi, after whose speech the conference rose for 3 hours recess when discussion on non-co-operation will be continued.                                                                                             August 31

      At the Conference the Non-Co-operation resolution was discussed till 9 p.m. and the speeches were stirring. Mr. T.L. Vaswani the mover of the original resolution replied to some of the arguments on the other motions and was allowed to speak for forty-five minutes while the proposers and seconders of other motions and amendments had only fifteen and ten minutes respectively but he was still dissatisfied and left the hall after informing the audience that he had been ordered by the President to stop and he  must obey though he had not finished. He was brought back by the Chairman of the Reception Committee.

LITTLE INCIDENTS

      An unpleasant incident occurred here, one Shikarpuri delegates crying out angrily “Sir, here is the gentleman who insults Mr. Vaswani and says to us If you want to hear this Mahatma still further you can satisfy your hearts by paying his fare and taking him to Shikarpur to lecture”. The noise was stopped by the President who said “If any insult had been offered I apologize on behalf of the offender”.

      About the same times Mr. Jeswani of the New Times complained bitterly and loudly, going up to the President’s table, “that the self styled Swami Govindanand was canvassing in the galleries for votes”. This storm was also quieted with gentle diplomacy by the President.

      When votes were taken between the several amendments and the original proposition there was an overwhelming majority for the latter i.e., Non-Co-operation on Mr. Ghandi’s lines. The amendments against non-co-operation received 33 votes but the other amendments of non-co-operation different from Mr. Ghandi’s did not get even 15 votes.

FOUR RESOLUTIONS

      After this, four resolutions were moved from the Chair.

1. That the Reform were inadequate, unsatisfactory and had failed to satisfy the aspirations of Indians and the Conference is therefore emphatically of the opinion that the Congress should at the once make a demand for complete Home Rule according to the principle of Self-Determination.
2. That the Conference strongly condemns the Central Provinces Government for sanctioning the proposed slaughter house which is to be established there for export of meat and hides and where thousands of animals will be killed a thing which is most injurious to India and will bring about a dreadful state India. The Conference calls upon all Indians to boycott the factory and if any Indians should join they should be ex-communicated by their brethren.
3. That the Conference vehemently condemns the Hunter Committee’s report, the Government of Indian’s attitude in the matter, the result of the discussion in the House of Commons and still more the result in the House of Lords and generally the attitude of the British Government in respect to the whole question and the Conference declares that on account of this, Indians have lost faith in British Justice.
4. That this Conference consider that on account of the decision in the Khilafat and the Punjab questions having excited grave dissatisfaction in India, no Indian should take part in the reception of the Duke of Connaught or any one else who might be sent to open the Councils.

SECONDING THE RESOLUTIONS

      The following is the summary of most of the speeches; In seconding Mr. Vaswani’s resolution Seth Abdula Haroon said: That the terms of Turkish treaty were against the opinion of the Ulmas who had declared that it was a religious question and that Jazir-al-Arab should be under the Khalif. They had disregarded the sentiments of Indian Muslims and Indians generally, and since we had tried all other means we must now adopt non-co-operation as advocated by Mr. Ghandi. India was too religious and too weak to do any thing violent. Non co-operation did not mean disobedience of Government or its laws. If we should fail now we fall back fifty years.

AGAINST NON-CO-OPERATION

      Mr. Santdas moving an a amendment against non-co-operation said: For the first time in Indian’s modern history direct action was being proposed and carried out as a political weapon. It was a critical time. He was pained and surprised that a man like Mr. Vaswani should use the stratagem of reserving his speech for the end giving others no opportunity to meet his arguments but taking the advantage of hearting and replying to all Mr. Ghandi did not want that we should agree with him without reflecting and in the Gujrat Conference where he was president, only the first stage of his programme had been adopted. The speaker’s objections against Non-Co-operation were both ideal and practical. He admitted that the Muhammadans had been deeply injured in the matter of the Khilafat and the Punjab tragedy and the attitude of the authorities had outraged all principles of justice and humanity, but was Non-Co-operation a right or good remedy. The Muhammadans were too impatient. They said that if Non-Co-operation did not succeed soon they would adopt another remedy. They should take care not to vote from mere impulse or enthusiasm but must realize that it meant serious action.

TOADIES AND TYRANTS

      All knew what kind of people title-holders and Government servants were: toadies and tyrants and yet they were going to be asked to make sacrifices before all others! How would crores of rupees come for feeding the latter? At the time of Satyagrah only twelve persons had resigned and the poor fellows were still going about complaining. The Punjab had been so shamefully treated but how many Punjabis there had resigned? Pleaders also will not suspend practice. So far only one Muhammadan pleaders had stopped practice.

      Withdrawing boys from Government and aided schools? He was on principle against the kind of education and the restriction there, the boys being unable for instance to attend such political meetings as this. He had put his boys in the National College, but how was the college supported by the public with funds and otherwise? The response was very poor indeed and it was the only college of the kind in India. People will not withdraw boys from the schools but if they did where are there other schools for them?

      Boycotting the Councils? Some very big leaders were against it and were not going to do it. If Councils were boycotted by the leaders fifty rate men would surely go in. We should rather go and try for more reforms.

HARD ON POLICEMEN

      How could they expect policemen to make a sacrifice knowing their characters? They should devise something according to which Santdass and Gopaldass and Harchandrai may sacrifice. Why impose the burden upon the poor? As regards the refusal of income tax, did they not know it would lead to attachment of property etc.? Refusal to pay land reverence would lead confiscation and sale of land. Some Muhammadans have said that they were ready to refuse payment provided Hindus would not buy their lands, when Government confiscated them. Would the banias consent? If the army was done away with there would be great insecurity and crime in the country, and who would defend us against foreign invasion? If pleaders stopped practice how many more innocent people would go into jails? Some said that they were going to try this remedy but like a reasonable men they should make sure that it was not an injurious remedy. We should jump into a well and make others do the same. (THE DAILY GAZETTE, TUESDAY, AUGUST 31, 1920 PAGE NO. 5)

                                                                                          Hyderabad, August 31 

      Mr. Gopaldas in supporting Mr. Santdass saids that the British Ministers had no doubt violated the pledges given to Indian Muslims and the Punjab atrocities had no doubt remained unpunished and the House of Lords resolution about General Dyer was a down right insult to the Indian nation, but he was opposed to the Non-Co-operation resolution because he knew it would be futile and harmful to the good of the country. Mr. Ghandi from whom this proposal had originally come was a man of the highest order, there was none like him in the world but what he proposed was an impossible task for the people though not for him. He referred to some of the steps in the programmed and showed what little would come of it all. He concluded by giving the story of the nice and the cat and asked who was going to bell the Government cat. It was all very well to pass resolution but who was going to act? Referring to the first stage he asked how many there were in the Conference who would have to make any sacrifice. One title holder (Hon. Mr. Harchandrai); no Government servants, a few pleaders, no Honorary Magistrate and so forth. Was any one of these prepared to act according to the proposal except one solitary pleader a Muhammadan? Those who wanted to pass the resolution were those who would have to sacrifice nothing for the present at least and many of them never at all. They too had hardly faith in the movement and were only trying it on. But it was a serious business and they should not bring ridicule upon themselves.

Professor Ghanshyam proposed an amendment which modified Mr. Ghandi’s demand by declaring that Mesopotamia, Syria, Armenia etc. should have self-determination. He said the Turkish Treaty was most unjust and the Punjab happenings had staggered the whole nation, hence the Non-Co-operation movement was justified. If they feared failure they should organizes a society to preach action according to the resolution. Indian’s condition was most lamentable. She had remained under foreign rule for a hundred and fifty years, and it was without honour. Otherwise the Khilafat decision would have been different and the Punjab atrocities would not have happened. We were not men if our hearts did not revolt against and abhor what had taken place. We could not remain subject to England except on terms of equality and fellowship. Constitutional agitation had failed, so they must use another remedy and Non-Co-operation was the very best. The English had lost their head after overthrowing Germany. The partition of Bengal had been cancelled not because of agitation but because of the bombs. The Reform Act was given on account of the war. The English themselves admitted that to alter the form of government was not only a right but a duty. It was said that Non-Co-operation would lead to bloodshed but constitutional agitation had also led to bombs in Bengal. We had suffered too much dishonor. People could bear no more. Nothing would now be of use except sacrifice. Mr. Gandhi had stopped jehad but if we did not support Muhammadans they might become violent. He was sure if we made sacrifices now the Government would come round before things went too far. Success would not come in a day or two, but gradually, they must work steadily. Liberty was never won without great sacrifices. Muhammadans should see that if India wanted self-determination how could Mesopotamia and Syria be refused it. Let them decide themselves whether they should or should not remain under Turkey. They should have a society to preach non-violent non-co-operation.

      Dr. Choitram moved another amendment in which he excluded interfering with police and the army and wanted that the Non-Co-operation movement should begin after people had been educated as to how to do it without violence and that about the Councils the decision should be left to the Congress. Agitation had failed with the Rowaltt Act. The Government did not care for us, were in despair. The Mandate meant the oil-fields of Mosul. It would be a shame if the Indian troops went any longer to Mesopotamia and Syria to help in reducing them to subjection. That should stop. Mesopotamia and Syria and Arabia were wanted by Britain as a wall or fortress standing before India in order to reduce India to greater dependence. If we did not see to something India would be ruined in ten years. The present Ministry was of robbers and plunderers. Too much power always turned the head. So it was with England now. He knew what excitement and spirit of Jehad was among Muhammadans. Mr. Gandhi had checked it. If Non-Co-operation failed then some other remedy must be tried. The Congress creed would probably have to be changed. When young men gave their lives on the gallows then would India be saved and there was he knew, a new spirit among the youth. When young men were hanged the fathers and grandfathers would resign appointments easily. The police however were wanted for the sake of order, the army through under the bureaucracy was wanted to repel foreign invasion. We wanted to break the chains of subjection and dishonor but we did not want disorder and foreign invasion. If we only began Non-Co-operation earnestly, it would have an effect. The English were very clever, so clever that they had made a fool even of President Wilson, so they would not like to let thing go very far, and to lose India. They would not be such fools as to be obstinate even at the cost of losing India.

      Mr. Govindanand then brought forward his amendment. The Conference is still proceeding. (THE DAILY GAZETTE, WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 1, 1920)

                                                                                          Hyderabad, August 31, 

      The Sind special Provincial Conference is still sitting.

      Swami Govindanand’s amendment added a clause to Mr. Gandhi’s Non-Co-operation scheme to the effect that the agitation should be continued till complete swaraj was given to India. We had petitioned and petitioned, but no good had resulted. We had lost our patience and something had to be done. Even God had lost his patience with men and hence the terrible wars are being witnessed. India had a message for the world, the message of Dharma. She could deliver it only if she was free and for this Non-Co-operation was the best. Some feared revolution. He did not care but a revolution would surely come if Non-Co-operation was not adopted. The Police and Military were the foundation of British strength in India, so they should be taken up first. If they made friends with the Muhammadans they need not fear foreign invasion from Afghan, Arab or Turk. If the Military people resigned Government would come to its senses. Without the military behind them these English were very timid and nervous. The English were suffering from the malady of zulam, They should be given one medicine after another. Just now the medicine was that we stand aside from them and continue to be sulky. When medicine fails, then a surgical operation is employed. Non-Co-operation should be nationalized and have self reliance, otherwise Jahlianwalas and Khilafat would happen again and again. We were sick of the English and wanted our own rule.

NON-CO-OPERATION AND NOSE-RINGS

      Mr. Lalchand supporting Govindanand said that they heard too much about dangers. There was no danger. Non-Co-operation should not be for Khilafat but should be nationalized, and then it would succeed. In 1896 young men started the movement of doing away with the nose-ring for women. Many said it was impossible but to day how many young ladies had the nose ring? In 1884 Tilak set up the flag of swaraj and many Harchandrais and others said “Impossible,” but to-day Dr. Choitram thought there would be foreign invasion but Mr. Gandhi was than us. There was no fear in doing away with police and army. He had lived and worked among Muhammadans and had found that they were extremely grateful. He would sooner except treachery from a Hindu than from a Muslim. If we supported the Muslims now they would never forget it. They would never join outside invaders against us. Mr. Ghanshyam wanted Muhammadans to agree to give freedom to Mesopotamia and Syria, etc. But that was just the difficulty. Muhammadans rightly said that without these Turkey would be a small and weak state. That was like the Muslim saying to us. “O ye Hindus give up your idolatry and then we will join you”. Was that possible? Mr. Santdas had said that people resigning Government services would starve. Mr. Santdass had left Government service and got into another profession. Was he starving? How many after all were in Government service? Mr. Gandhi did not say that the service of private European firms should be left.

INVOKING THE WRONG SIDE

      Mr. Virumal of the Sindhi of Sukkur, supporting Mr. Vaswani’s proposition, said some regretted the difference of opinion which now divided old co-workers. He was not sorry. It showed that every one was thinking. It was not disunion; they all had the same goal. He thought they should all bow to Mr. Gandhi’s authority. No better or wiser man existed on earth. He could not be wrong. If they did not follow Mr. Gandhi the great Indians whose portraits were hanging in front-. Tagore, Subramanya, Iyer, Gokhale, Perozeshah Mehta, Mrs. Besant would all be pained, whether in heaven or on earth, otherwise they would be happy and would bless us. (Here there came loud laughter, because the impassioned orator had forgotten that most of these great ones were against Non-Co-operation). Impossible? Did not Napoleon say the word should be taken out from the dictionary. To think ourselves unfit was a blot on India. Troubles and hardships will come but no matter. Neither pen, nor tongue, nor deputations had availed. It was complained that twenty eight days of August had passed as yet how every few had resigned honours, service etc. What! It did not matter. Twenty eight years might pass, even centuries. They should simply preservers. Who was going to bell the cat, asked Mr. Gopaldass. Be comforted there were many now. Mr. Gandhi alone would do it. Nothing would be gained by co-operating with the Government. Mr. Gokhale had done it most earnestly, and others but what came of it. Those who had left the service were not blind or useless. They could make themselves useful in other ways. Queen Victoria had promised life, liberty and prosperity but we have got nothing.

Mr. HARCHANDRAI’S SOUND ADVICE

      The Hon. Mr. Harchandrai, supporting Mr. Santdass said that the wind which was blowing showed that his words would not avail but still he would speak. Those who had supported Non-Co-operation had forgotten the main issue and were dwelling on the minor points. The troubles and drawbacks every one admitted, so also the injustice of the Khilafat decision and the Punjab happenings, but the question was whether non-co-operation would remedy these. He was sure it would not. It would only lead to anarchy and bring about great evil. They should adopt non-co-operation if they thought that it would really do good. The British Government was very powerful it was not going to yield to pressure from us. Government would only laugh at us and we would be harming our own people. Some speakers said that they should go on with Non-Co-operation for 10, 20, 30 years but would the Turkish Treaty be modified after the present treaty had come into force and Turkey had got settled in the new situation. How were the guilty Punjab officials going to be punished 30 years hence? Wounds had been inflicted on us but they must not act under the impulse of heartiest excitement. They should let their brains cool and then act otherwise there would be much harm. Government did not care if honors and titles were given up. If men give up service the Departments like Revenue and Engineering would stand still. Then how would cultivation go on? Zamindars would fight and fight for water and there would be disorder. Then might would triumph, and not right. We were introducing compulsory education and now we were told to withdraw boys from the schools. Where would they go when and how would other schools be started. Government could get many employees from elsewhere. Without pleaders there would be a police reign of terror. The best thing was to send to the Councils our best men who should try to get full justice. The speaker ended with a story. An opium eater was lying down half senseless with a heavy club by his side. One leg was bent up and seeing his knee in front he thought it was a thief. He took the club and struck the “thief”. In pain he carried out, still intoxicated “Rascal you have hurt my knee, no doubt but you will never forget my club”, To strike Government was to batter, cripple, and destroy oneself.

      Mr. Punaya from Karachi supported Mr. Govindanand and being a Madrasi knowing neither Sindhi nor Hindi, he spoke in good English. (THE DAILY GAZETTE, TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 2, 1920 PAGE NO.5)

                                                                                          Hyderabad, September 1

      At the Sind Special Conference at Hyderabad Mr. Punya said that the system of Government had to be changed, that was the cause of all evils. The Khilafat and Jalianwalla what if the Viceroy or the Dyers were punished or even hanged. It was said that Asiatics were unfit. Nonsense! From Asia came all civilization and all the religious leaders of the world. England was powerful, so not physical force but soul force would be of use against her, and it is Non-Co-operation. If we went as beggars we should be treated as beggars, go like men and you will be treated as men.

      Pandit Umersee from Karachi supported Mr. Vaswani and said that Mr. Gandhi certainly not started this movement without deep reflection. Mr. Gandhi was a great man and he had thirty years experience of these things. Those who said it could not be done would not be able to do anything. Men who fled from trouble were normally dead. So it was better to die than live like this, we were not men if we thought not of honour. One gentleman had said “Let us ask and we shall get”. Since the history of the Jewish nation, liberty had never been won by mere asking and asking.

Mr. Lokaram of Karachi, Supporting Mr. Santdass against non-Co-operation, said that this was not to be a paper resolution but would necessitate action on their part. This movement arose out of the Khilafat question, yet how many Muslims were in the hall? How many who are for the resolution has any connection with Government which they may break off? There were a few income tax payers, but if the tax was not paid, Government would attach property. How many the speakers will have to sacrifice anything? Ten crores of rupees would be required to feed those who might leave service. Before starting a fund and finding money men were being asked to resign. Where were their national schools and colleges to receive lakhs of boys leaving Government and aided institutions? Dr. Choitram who favoured Non-Co-operation in general, told them that the police and army must remain in act, or disorder and foreign invasion would come. Many nations had their eyes upon on India. For a thousand years outsiders had been invading or coming into India to get wealth. Where was the guarantee that if outside Muslim came upon India the Muslim here would be on our side? He knew the Pathans. Wild and ferocious and what not. It had been said that a great leader like Mr. Gandhi should be implicitly followed. But Mr. Gandhi himself wanted us to follow our conscience, the highest law and had not Mr. Gandhi himself erred in supporting the Punjab Indemnity Bill.

      Pundit Lokram supporting Mr. Ghansyam said it was a pity that the same arguments which had been put before us during these three years by leaders like Mr. Harchandrai, Mr. Bhurgari and others in order to awaken us and bring us the political life of independence, were being attached and broken by the same gentlemen now. We use to look upon Government as Ma Bap, to be reverenced and obeyed but we were taught that Bureaucracy was our servant not lord. Why did you, Sirs, bring us it of our shells? Police and Military to remain intact? Oh, no ‘these were the back bone of the Bureaucracy and they must go before any thing else if possible. If we could bring one to its knees such a great Government as ours, we could boldly meet any invader. The Sind leaders had formerly declared that we were fit for self Government but the Government said we were not. Now when we said we were fit to take action the leaders said No. Who had spoken truly? The leaders or the Government. Only a few would act? But Guru Gobindsing began his great work against Aurangzeb with only five men.

MR. GANDHI’S ROAD TO RUIN

         Mr. Jermadas supporting Dr. Choitram said that the amendment accepted the principle of Mr. Gandhi’s Non-Co-operation and three out of the four steps and made slight additions. Income tax was the fourth steps in Mr. Gandhi’s programmed; in theirs it was second. They also wanted Syria and Mesopotamia to remain independent of Turkey, if they so chose. If we wanted independence ourselves how could we refuse it to others? Mr. Gandhi’s personality was unequalled in the world. It was the first time in the history of the world that in political affairs force was going to be abandoned and Non-Co-operation adopted. It was by following conscience that Mr. Gandhi had become so great. He has displeased father, mother, brother and friends. No Provincial Committee had adopted the fourth steps about the Police and Military. Perhaps many here did not know what was going on in Central Asia. No one of them wanted foreign invasion, so the army must remain. Moreover if the first three steps were carried out the fourth would be unnecessary as Government would surely yield before that. Egypt had gained freedom in a short time by making sacrifices. He would agree with them in preventing Indian troops from going to fight in other countries but for India they must remain. It was provided in this amendment that a preacher of Non-Co-operation must carry out at once any one of the steps which applied to him.

      Mr. Jethmal supporting Mr. Santdass made a very powerful speech which created some thing like a sensation. It was a very delicate question but it was time for being frank and honest. Muhammadans might not like what he was going to say but he could not help it. There was division in the old camp of co-workers. Mr. Bhurgri, Santdas, himself on one side, Jeram and Choitram on the other and Ganshyam on the third. Mr. Virumal was wrong in trying to silence them by Mr. Gandhi’s authority. Was Mr. Virumal sure that in heaven our departed great men were in agreement on this question. Non-Co-operation for Punjab and on Turkey? Since he had entered political life his heart burned within him at foreign supremacy in India. That was more serious than Jalianwalas. He was for self-determination but he was against religion being dragged into politics. He was against creating disorder in the country and opening the door to foreign invasion. Who among us was not profoundly stirred at this moment? There were two movements among Muhammadans. The Pan-Inslamism movement to unite the Muslim of the world. The second was Hijrat. At Allahabad Mr. Shoukat Ali had defined Hijrat as leaving the country of the tyrant and coming back to invade it. Was it  not true that some of the Muahmmadans who had gone on Hijrat had joined the army there? So long as there was danger of an Afghan invasion of India,  the Muhammadans should not except support from the Hindus. He had Tilak and Malaviya on his side there. At present the British power was keeping back Muhammadan invasion. India had always been harassed by the Muslim invaders. The Amir of Afghanistan had stopped Hijrat into his country because of political reasons. He believed rather the principles of the Gita and Dharam Yudh than in nonviolence or Satyagraha. He would say with Lajpatrai that first we must have a national army, also we must organize trade guild and then there will be no disorder if the authority of the present Government suffers. As regards the reforms they were not Heaven’s word, but they were something. “If you want to bring the British and other nations to a sense of justice, remember all are alike including our Japan, then touch their purse. Bite their stomachs by boycotting their goods. Do not give a ball of fire to the Muhammadan brethren to play with. It is not a toy but living fire”. (THE DAILY GAZETTE, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 3, 1920 PAGE NO. 5)

                                                                                          Hyderabad, September 2

      The Sind Special Conference has now concluded its session. On Thursday evening Mr. Narsinghlal of Karachi spoke in support of Mr. Govindananda’s resolution. He said that an ordinary man like him was not worthy to be followed but he would request delegates to think over what they heard. Mr. Jasawalla of Central Provinces has taken to Parliament 50 lakhs of signatures from India against cow slaughter in India, but nothing at all come of it. They must get rid of the bogy of constitutional agitation as worthless. Mr. Gandhi had not included “Swaraj” or other benefit for India as his ideas were loftily and unselfish, so he wanted to have the movement for the sake of Muhammadans only but we men might well put in the “Swaraj clause.” If we all put into practice the Non-Co-operation resolution for a few days Government would surely come round. At the time of the hartal, when the European heard that it might last for three days, they were frightened almost out of their lives. They think so much of their stomach, usually they bought one day’s provision like penniless people but this time they bought four days provisions. Some had spoken of dangers from Non-Co-operation but while these dangers were only possible, there was certainty of bloodshed, etc. If they did not adopt Non-Co-operation. No one had attempted to prove that if we all united in action Government would not yield. When the Police were not at Delhi for a few days there was no theft at all. Mr. Mahomed Khan here came forward to speak in support of Mr. Vaswani’s resolution. He was a Pathan himself from the Punjab and he wanted chiefly to assure the audience that the Afghans had no thought of invading India and that the Indian Muhammadans would not help them. The fears about trouble from Central Asia were groundless.

A SOULIUL FINISH

      Mr. Vaswani, the prosper of the original resolution spoke on it last and replied to all opponents. He spoke in Hindustani (or whatever it was) and said that his voice was weak but not his heart. During recess he heard a little girl outside in the garden crying out in anguish “Oh, where is my brother, my beautiful, brother, my darling little one? Oh find me him”, after much search she found him and with what joy and gladness she took him home. The Hindus had lost their Muslim brothers and searched and searched and now at last the Muslim were found. And the Hindus should rejoice. How the Muslims in their trouble were even looking out for Hindus for help. There should be no condition accompanying the giving of help and therefore he desired that no clause like acceptance of swaraj for India and for Mesopotamia or Syria should be imposed. There was only one condition that there should be no disorder in the Empire. His way was of love and therefore no condition was required. This method of give and take and of conditions was of the west and it must be discarded. Have faith in the Muslims and you will see their manly gratitude. It had been said that we should reflect but speaker’s reflection was Love. Mr. Muhammed Ali had said that the Muhammadans did not object to Arab independence. It was true the Khialfat had often gone from one country to another but the Muhammadans rightly claimed that they, not others, should select the Khilafat, and it was necessary that the ruler should be very powerful. There was no proof of danger of any Afghan invasion. Afghanistan had sympathy for India. The late ruler had stopped cow slaughter there, and now Hindus there could go about on horse back. How was a smaller power like Afghanistan going to wage war upon a great power like England. Non-Co-operation now meant co-operation with Muhammadans. Unite them and follow satyagraha. Therein lay India’s salvation; some had expressed horror of revolution but there were bloody and bloodless revolutions Non-Co-operation would bring the latter. He would never join any one in violent action.

      Mr. Vaswani had already taken more than forty minutes speaking in a sermonizing way, slow and measured, and it seems he wanted to go on at least half an hour more and so when the President asked him to hasten he abruptly closed and went out and was brought back. What followed has been already mentioned. After the voting on this and the four resolution already mentioned as put from the chair the President was given a vote of thanks, four gentlemen speaking on it. It was specially mentioned that the Citizens Association, Hyderabad, and the Home Rule movement in Karachi owed much to Mr. Durgdas. The President gave a fitting and brief reply. (THE DAILY GAZETTE, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 4, 1920 PAGE NO. 7)   

3^RD SINDH PROVINCIAL

CONFERENCE

HELD AT LARKANA

1916

OPENING PROCEEDINGS

The session of the third Sind Provincial Conference commenced at 8 a.m. today (April 21, 1916). The president was escorted to pandal by the volunteers and members of the reception committee. Among those on the dais were the Hon. Mr. Harchandrai Vishindas, Seth Lokamal Chellaram, and Messrs. Mathradas Ramchand, Gopaldas Jhamatmal and Chagla. About 800 were present.

            After songs of welcome, Mr. Lalchand Navalrai, chairman of the reception committee, read out his welcome speech, the main points of which were as follows:-

LARKANA CITY

            Larkana cannot lay claim to the pretensions of the two towns wherein the first and the second provincial conference were held, neither can it compare with the beauteous sights and river bank of Sukkur nor the ancient association of Hyderabad, the former metropolis of Sind. Its history goes so far back only as the reign of the Kalhoras. There exists to this day the ancient dome called the shrine of “Shah Baharo” situated on the North of the “Ghar” canal, which reminds you of the architecture of those times. “Ghar canal” the northern boundary of the two proper is a navigable channel through which we carry our agriculture produce to, and hold commerce with several parts of Sind. The picturesque scenery on its bank and the shady groves of trees afford rest and relief to the wayfarers during the heat of the summer. Larkana shares with the rest of Upper Sind the extremes of heat and cold. But during the inundation season the strings of country craft which line the two sides of the canal present a very attractive spectacle and Larkana is well worth a holiday trip during the fruit season.

            Once there flourished here the art of scene painting as can be witnessed in the Library building which is the handiwork of an old Sindhi painter. But it exists no more owing to the lack of encouragement. So also, town market exhibits species of the old art of engraving on brass and alloyed metals.

            Larkana is rightly described as the “Garden of Sind” the proof of which you find in the tall and shady trees scattered round about everywhere. They are conspicuous by their presence even in this pandal, providing you with shade and comfort. The south of the town presents to you a modern look with its red bricked dwellings which marks its latest growth owing to the town being raised to the dignity of the head quarters of a district and a seat of the district court.

            You may be aware Gentlemen, that Larkana was once only a part of the Shikarpur District, afterwards renamed as Sukkur District, and has been only a few years back made into a separate self-contained district, thus gaining considerable in importance. It is expected that it will one day realize the long deferred hope of possessing a (Solemnly promised) Government High School.

LARKANA DISTRICT

            The District as you all know is the most fertile area in Sind and therefore the principal exporting centre of agricultural produce through the port of Karachi abroad. Gentlemen, the great world war has made its effects felt here as elsewhere. The cramping of the agriculturist’s credit originally brought about by bank failures has been intensified by the disruption between capital and labor caused by the war. At the same time it must be recognized that conditions would have been hopelessly worse not only in this district but all over the British Empire, the entire trade would have been crippled and exports and imports come to a standstill had not the British Navy, with its traditions of invincibility, kept the seas clear and immune from the enemy’s devilish sea craft for which the world is exceedingly grateful. Let us therefore send forth our united and devout prayers that success may ultimately attend the arms of the allies who are fighting the cause of righteousness and justice for the protection of the weak against brute force. 

CONFERNCE

            Considering how the Indian National Congress has firmly stood its ground after so many vicissitudes, it would be superfluous to justify its existence and recount its manifold achievements. Provincial conference like this not only serve as feeders of the congress, but also are intended to deal with local and provincial question which for their multitude and variety would be too impracticable for discussion in the congress, which should confine itself to questions of all importance, whilst admitting that in getting local grievances redressed and local needs satisfied a good deal depends on the sympathetic attitude of the authorized, I may also be permitted to say that moderate and considerate methods and perseverance will go a long way towards accomplishment. To this and joint action by assemblies like the present conference is a great necessity. The justification for a separate conference for Sind can be described in no better terms than those of the President of the Sind Conference of 1908. He observed “you will thus realize that for its peculiar land tenure, agrarian conditions and special maladies like Rasai (to which I may be permitted to add the cursed dacoities), and more specially for its isolated position from the presidency proper, Sind is so circumstanced that it cannot have its grievances adequately ventilated, if it were lumped together with the rest of the presidency in a provincial conference, where the interests of the whole presidency, would have to be taken into consideration.”

            We are no doubt a part and parcel of the Bombay presidency but with the least intention to offend and with the utmost deference to the leaders in the presidency. I must say we are neglected part. Gentlemen, we are known there as people of the desert and little wonder that sunshine or rather moonshine in the open is the only thing they can spare for us. I am more sorry than anyone else that we have not availed ourselves to the full of the benefits of our conferences and failed to follow the advice of our popular President of the Sind Provincial Conference of “1908 That the torch of patriotism lighted to-day might be kept burning forever” He continued. “For I put you in the words of the strongest recommendation not to allow your energies to die out on the termination of this gathering but to continue holding such meetings year after year changing the venue according to circumstances and to enable all parts of the province to take their proper share”. It was good of Hyderabad, indeed to have kept loyal to this exhortation; Karachi went even farther by holding a session of the Indian National Congress in the year 1913. But we Shikarpur and Larkanaies have no defense for our remissness except the ordinary “Better late than never”.

SPECIAL OF THE CONEFERNCE

            The prophetic words of our late lamented R.S. Pessumal Zoukiram in his address as chairman of the reception Committee of the Sukkur conference have come to be true. Describing the relations between the two great communities of Sind the Hindus and Muhammadans “The two eyes of India” he observed “Education is spreading far and wide and the work of enlighten is spreading a pace. If but one indigenous Muhammadan of the purest ray serene rises amongst the Muhammadans they will soon be made to realize that we shall be one in heart and soul and act in union. Gentlemen, this is being realized in the present conference. You have before you the cream of the Muhammadan community of Sind shouldering the wheel side by side with their Hindu brethren. The new awakening is coming and the old relations of amity and accord are returning. We stand united on one platform on our way to the realization of our common destiny under the guidance of a leader whose singleness of purpose and public spirit have won for him the admiration of all communities in Sind. This, Gentlemen is the special feature of the present year’s conference. In this connection I must congratulate my friends Serai Shah Mahomed Lahori the General Secretary whose sincere exertions at all stages of preparation for this conference have been invaluable.  

CRIME AND UNREST

            It should not be the province of this address to run through the entire catalogue of topics to be considered at this conference. That work more appropriately comes within the purview of the President Elect and the other speakers. But I shall not be trespassing upon the domain of those speakers if I touched upon some of the question that concerned my district.

            Pax Britannica is the legitimate boast of the British rule in India. Ever since the establishment of that rule people of this country have regarded the protection of life and property as their most priceless heritage. But that protection as received a rude shock in the spirit of lawlessness and crime abroad in this district. People live in a constant state of terror and panic. Dacoits have torn the district from one end to the other. Turn to any direction and you hear the wail of the people that villains and vagabonds are let loose on us. The darkest feature of almost every dacoity is the burning of bannias account books. What may be the cause of all this? In the Sind conference of 1908 question came up for discussion. The crime was then in its infancy. Dacoities committed could be counted on one’s finger’s ends. Now they are beyond enumeration. The main cause then assigned was the increasing poverty of the agriculture classes and the absolute loss of their credit resulting in their resort to plunder rather than economic adjustments to satisfy their wants. Government was asked to appoint a mixed committee of officials and non-officials to determine the root cause of this diabolical crime and suggest measures for its extirpation. Nothing came of the request and thing have gone from bad to worse. Dacoits are known to say that of all crimes under the penal code the easiest to commit and the most difficult to detect is dacoity. You have only to wear garb of a wolf and lamb has to give way. The inefficiency and the corruption of the subordinate police and the lowering down of the standard of magisterial independence have contributed not a little to the permanence of this state of things. The covering attitude of the subordinate magistracy, their absolute dread of the police carrying tales to higher quarters of their refusal to regard themselves a check on police or a protection against their vagaries are some the main springs for this state of affairs. It serves the police to have their record of convictions kept up and it serves the magistrates to have no trouble with the police and there the matter ends. It is for Government to lay its fingers on the plague spot and administer the remedy. We cannot make our cries sufficiently loud this monster of evil. The Arms Act places our people at disadvantages. Taught from their infancy to look upon arms as forbidden things intended only for the chosen and the elect, bannias have long since ceased to regard themselves as entitled to their use. A stray shot from a gun boy’s hands frightens them out of their wits. Arms intended for the benefits of the innocent and the honest are employed as instruments of oppression against them. It is only the respectable man who lacks arms. A villain has them by the score. The repeal of the Arms Act or its modifications enabling honest people to avail themselves of their protection is a question in the hands of the Congress. We shall let it be discussed and solved there. On the present platform we only ask that Government should undertake to familiarize the respectable classes of people living in outlying villages with the use of arms and fit them for defending themselves. Till this is accomplished, measures should be concerted to protect their person and property by the employment of additional police and the patrolling of important roads and thoroughfares. Some of you will be tempted to ask “But how many police patrols can be provided and after all to what good. Bannias have after all to be thrown on their own resources and left to fight out their own battle in moments of emergency. I concede the justice of this. I only urge that while on the one hand the process of training villagers in the art self defense should be kept in full swing, on the other hand the provision of adequate protection to safe guard them till they are able to safeguard themselves should not be neglected. Gentlemen, when bannias go to District officers for licenses for arms it is often amusing to know the answer flung at them. They are told in all earnestness that fire arms are dangerous things and will explode in their hands. They are also assured that they will be weapons in the hands of dacoits themselves. It is time that these excuses ceased. Men are men when they are taught and trained. Fire arms cease to explode of themselves and dacoits are kept at arm’s length from them when they are handled by men who know how to handle them. Able bodies respectable villagers are anxious to provide themselves with arms and use them for purpose of defense only if they be given freedom to possess them and opportunities to handle them. Is this too much for Government to allow? Is it too much for District officers to issue free licenses to decent people and provide them with means to learn the use of arms? A little effort put out in this direction will raise a host of voluntary workers anxious and able to stand out and save the situation.

CHAPTE VIII CRIMINAL PROCEDURE CODE

            I pass on the consideration of the Badmash chapter in the Criminal Procedure code as a subject cognate to the above. It is said to be our savior at the time of need. The stock argument always advanced is that where crime is freely committed the police should have a free hand in hauling up individuals as badmashes. The argument is all right when you have the might of the executive to manifest only once that is when you want momentary consternation to have a momentary effect. But when crime persists and you proceed to substitute amateur inferences for skillful investigation and arm your selves with powers continuously to punish for things which you can not prove, it is time to cry half. Gradually but with certainty you are sliding into the abyss of inefficiency and power in the hands of inefficient   is worse than no power at all. This must stop. You know how many innocents are sacrificed at the altar of this chapter VIII every year. Lately the Commissioner in Sind issued orders limiting the operation of the chapter to individuals spotted by higher class police officers on personal investigation. The results show little improvement. Only the ostensible mover of the machinery is now different but the real mover is the identical Sub Inspector, his staff and his advisers. Patient and deliberate consideration leads only to one conviction viz that if the chapter is to stand, the police should have nothing to do with working it. The experiment would be worth trying to have a Taluka. Jigra headed by the Taluka magistrate to investigate and spot an individual as a badmash and then sent him up for trial. The present cry of the police to hound everyone who in their view is obnoxious must cease. It is true that Jirga will in turn be subjected to insidious influences but combination of disinterested individuals as umpire from different place are most likely in the long run to outlive those influences. What is wanted is public opinion, educated and enlightened being brought to bear on the subject to clear the cobwebs of confusion and misapprehension. To sum up, embolden and train villagers to fight the dacoits, pending training, afford them adequate safeguards of increased police patrols, improve the efficiency of the police, withdraw the portentous power vested in them by chapter VIII Criminal procedure code, remind that wrong conviction is a most pernicious substitute for skillful investigation. Let the magistracy realize their responsibility and duty to the protector of the poor, and I assure you Gentlemen, nine tenths of the battle will have been won. Brethren you will pardon my dilating on this subject a little longer than would be permissible but the acute distress of this district in this regard is my only excuse for this tax on your patience. 

JUSTICE

            The administration of justice on the civil side also needs attention. The cumbrous machinery is clogged and grinds slow. The draft on one’s time and purse is enormous. Some agency effective economical needs to be discovered to release the civil courts of a portion of their fighter works and have judges time to handle more important work. The revival of panchayat system is likely to be of use in this direction. The experiment is undertaken at Mardas. It might be undertaken in Sind. The village panchyat system is not yet extinct though with the growth of individualism it threatens to dissolve. In the present unorganized condition the panchayts are doing an amount of useful work. Given life, status and definite scope for action, their activities will be fruitful. The development of the principles of Local self Government proceeding now at a tardy pace will receive a marked impetus. 

AGRICULTURE

            Our needs on the Revenue side of the administration are many. Ours is an agriculture district and agrarian problem need tackling. Our president elect has in hand some of the most important of these subjects vize the extension of the10 years terms of settlements, the abolition of the fallow rules, the revision of the remission rules and kindred matters. I will only touch on one matter viz the baneful practice of Rasai. 

RASSAI

            Rassai is yet rampant in Sind. we are rebuked that our Zamindars are responsible for it. While this is partly true. We cannot say that this is the whole truth. The receivers are more responsible than the givers. The position of the givers is weak and they have an eye to their interests. The receivers have low paid agents who have of necessity to act as intermediaries. The vice still continuous as merrily as ever. Only lately after the Hyderabad scandal, the Commissioner in Sind issued a drastic circular enjoining all concerned to see the last of the  thing, but human foibles have a knack of lingering. The thing shriveled and showed signs of decay but did not die at the root. With the next season it had more of life infused in it. We know that in some districts strenuous efforts were put forth by the District officers to grapple with the problem and the results achieved were hopeful. Unfortunately the disease is again showing signs of a relapse in some districts, but might be saved by timely action from above. The strain of times is making things unbearable and the hateful system needs to be stopped at all costs.  

CONCLUSION

            Brethren! I will not detain you longer with my address. Various other matters affecting the material prosperity of Sind and the advancement of its people, their manifold aims and aspirations will be the subject matter of deliberation by you all. Once again, I offer to you a cordial welcome to our own town and hope that your deliberations will lead to fruitful results and the general amelioration of our condition. Before I sit down, I must tender my warmest thanks to our worthy and saintly Collector Mr. Blathwayte for the readiness with which he has given us what help we have required of him. My thanks in a large measure are also due to my colleagues on the various committees especially Mr. Virusing Kimatsing who have spread no pains to make the arrangements as satisfactory as it has been possible for them to do. (The daily Gazatte, dated April 24, 1916 page 10) 

FURTHER PROCEEDINGS

            The Hon. Mr. Harichandrai proposed Mr. Bhurgri to the chair in the following terms:-

            “Mr. Bhurgri stands at the top of political life in Sind. he has been chiefly instrumental in bridging over the gulf between the two chief communities of Sind, Muhammadans and Hindus. He belongs to that band of great devoted patriots of the type of Messrs. Gokhale, Mazhar ul Haque and Jinnah who strenuously worked for bringing about a better understanding between these two communities. There stands a good deal more to his credit. First he was a zealous and devoted follower of the late Hon. Mr. Gokhale and loyally supported him in the imperial council in the cause of free compulsory education. In those days the opposition was too great and the measure for free compulsory education did not pass. Since then it has become evident that free compulsory education is necessary. Next the Hon. Mr. Bhurgri is always present at every meeting of the Bombay Legislative Council and there has been no occasion when he has not been ready with a suggestion, an amendment or a resolution during the last 8 years. His services for the improvement of the condition of the agricultural community have been great and the agriculturists have every reason to be thankful to the hon, gentlemen for his endeavors. He was chiefly instrumental in getting the appointment of the Commission for Settlement and it is hoped that the period of settlement will be increased to what extent it remains to be seen. In him I see the realization of the prophetic words of the late R.B. Pessumal Zoukiram who said “ I look forward to the time when the two communities, Hindus and Muhammadans, will join hands and met on a common platform”. Yesterday he was taunted with being pro-Hindu. That instead of being a reproach is, I, believe a recommendation. Another great and invaluable service that he can be credit with is that as a Zamindar and as a business man he has introduced many improvements in agriculture and thrift in the life of the Hari. The other Zamindars are lacking in that spirit. I firmly believe that in him we have a leader who deserves our utmost confidence”.

            Mr. Lokamal Chellaram who seconded the resolution said:- “I second the proposal with the greatest pleasure, I invite all present to join me in requesting the Hon. Mr. Bhurgri to take the chair. In him we have a leader who is always foremost in the cause of public weal. I remember that when he joined the Congress at Karachi he was submitted to a most scathing attack by the English daily of Karachi; but when has that paper ever desired to see any eminent Indian doing anything for our country? I trust the representative of that paper is here and if he has not heard I shall repeat it for him that the Daily Gazette never wants any Indian to interest himself in the cause of India. But its attacks are worthless and fit to be thrown in the waste-paper basket. Hon. Mr. Bhurgri is one of those Indians who disregarding their comfort and ease, throwing their pleasure to the wind have taken upon themselves the arduous task of serving their country. He ranks with our great patriots, the late Sir P. M. Metha, Gokhale and Dadabhai Naoroji. India is passing through a most critical time, I mean the war. War is one of the greatest scourges that can be sent by divine displeasure to devastate this world. Yet at this terrible time India has an opportunity of showing the most devoted loyally. At such a critical time the barque of our affairs should be under the control of a skillful guide of the type of Mr. Bhurgri so that our work yields rich fruit. In selecting him as our president it is not we who honour him but in accepting it the confers an honour on us.”

            Mr. Gopaldas Jhamatmal rising in support said:- “this pleasant task has been entrusted to me. I suppose because I hail from the same place as Hon. Mr. Bhurgri, I mean Hyderabad which he has made fragrant with good works. He is a barrister and had he cared to earn he could have easily enriched himself. It is true that he is rich, but there are few rich men who conquer their desire to accumulate more. It is his to this credit that he possesses no such desire. His work in the cause of Muhammadan education has been specially praiseworthy. Moreover he is a staunch Congressman having his opinion on truth and experience. We Hyderabadis have special reason to be grateful to him for his earnest endeavors to avert the disgrace of suspension of the Hyderabad Municipality. He sympathized with us in our sorrow then and I trust that he will shortly share our joy when we get this suspension removed. The Hon. Mr. Bhurgri is guided by the same motto as Mr. Mazhar ul Haque which is ‘An Indian first, and Indian next and an Indian afterwards in short nothing but an Indian.”

            Seria Shah Muhammad Lahori rising in support said :”The Hon. Mr. Bhurgari is one of whom we Zamindars have every reason to feel highly proud. No Zamindar has as yet shown himself possessed of as lofty a purpose as he. He has served India loyalty in company with the great Gokhale and Sir Pheroze Shah Mehta. I have personal knowledge of his popularity and the esteem in which he is held. During the last few years I have traveled widely and in connection with my election matter. I have had go to every part of Sind and in these travels I have been struck with the influence his name has everywhere.”

            Mr. Bhojsing:- “Though the Hon. Mr. Bhurgari is not known to me personally yet fame has blown wide enough for me to be aware of his good qualities and great abilities. When opinions were invited in the Press about the selection of a president, the unanimous choice fell upon Hon. Mr. Bhurgari, and I am convinced that it could not have fallen upon a worthier man. The reason of his unanimity of opinion is that as soon as he entered public life he honestly endeavoured to unite the Hindus and Muhammadans. Many difficulties must have crossed his path and at time he must have felt discouraged at the antagonistic attitude of many of his friends, but may it be said to his credit that he remained staunch to his purpose and proceeded unwavering on the path of duty. Time was when our officials even did not regard the idea of union with much favour, but now even our Government is ready and willing to help to bring about a better understanding between the two communities. This may be solely attributed to the Hon. Gentleman. In all the commissions and committees of inquiry appointed during the last few years in Sind or the Bombay Presidency. Mr. Bhurgri has had a hand. He was the father of the Muhannadan educational Cess bill which had to be withdrawn. Though he failed he has been end endeavoring his utmost in cause of Muhammadan education, and as a result of his efforts 36 male scholars are receiving education free of cost. He has interested the Government from the Viceroy down to the Commissioner in the cause of Moslem education. Beneficial results are bound to accrue therefrom.

            Mulchand Pessumal, Kishendas and Abdul Aziz who followed said a few words eulogizing Mr. Bhurgri.

            The proposal was put to the vote and unanimously carried. The Hon. Mr. Bhurgri took the chair amidst loud applause. He was garlanded.

            Mr. Bhurgari commenced the proceedings by calling upon the secretary, Serai Shah Muhammad Lahori to read the letters and telegrams from some distinguished people who pleaded their inability to attended. A telegram from Mrs. Annie Besant and letters from Mr. Wacha, Mr. Gandhi, Mir Ayub Khan, Hon. Mr. Paranjpye, Sir Ibrahim Rahimtoolah and Dr. Dhalla were read. Hon. Mr. Mr. Paranjpye wrote “… I send my best wishes for the conference. A complete network of conference is needed for political and educational progress. Sind, which has been spoken of as being backward, is doing well to hold a conference. These are signs of progress.”

            The President read his speech.

            Mr. Hafiz, bar-at-law, read some important passages from a Sindhi translation of the president’s speech.

            The president declared that all proceeding would be in Sindhi.

            A subjects committee was elected and the sitting of the conference adjourned to 5.30 p.m.

            Later on the following business was transacted:-

            Resolution No. 1. – “That this meeting records its deep sense of loyalty to the British Government and prays for its success in the present war” was moved from the chair and passed unanimously with all those present standing.

            Resolution No.2 – “That this meeting records its deep sense of loss sustained by the community by the death of Gopal Krishna Gokhale and sir Pherozshah M. Mehta” it was moved from the chair and passed unanimously, all those present standing.

            Hon. Mr. Harchandrai proposed --- “That this conference is strongly of the opinion that as the Government of a Governor in Council is more desirable than the Government of a single individual and as the reasons on account of which by Act V of 1868 the powers of a Governor and council were delegated to the Commissioner in Sind have disappeared and are non existence. Act V of 1868 be repealed and the Government of Sind carried on as in the rest of the Bombay Presidency.”

            Hon. Mr. Harchandrai said:- “This is not the first time that this resolution has been put forth by me. The Bombay presidency is divided into four parts viz. the Southern Division, The Central Division, the Northern Division and Sind. The first three parts had Commissioners but they were not invested with the powers of a Governor in Council. It is only in Sind that the Commissioner enjoys such power. I will briefly tell you how the Commissioner came to have such powers. In 1843 when Sind was first conquered, Sir Charles Napier was appointed Governor. He left in 1847 and a Commissioner was appointed in his place that was invested with full powers, Revenue, Judicials. In 1868

When Mansfield was Commissioner, Act V of 1868 was passed. The reasons given by Government were that Sind was very distant from Bombay. The Sind Gazetteer has it that Sind was”… an uncivilized, unimproved place, difficult to get at and difficult to get away from.” Gentlemen these conditions do not hold good now. Railway communication has brought Sind considerably near to Bombay and with a direct line from Badin we would be nearer still. In spite of this, this Act continues in force entailing great hardship on us. Under a Governor in Council we will certainly be better off than we now are. No doubt some commissioners have been very good, but when the question lies between a civilian with the powers of a Governor on the one hand and a Governor in Council on the other, certainly the latter would be the better of the two. This question has been often considered, and a Governor in Council has been preferred. Moreover, Dharwar, Belgum and Ratnagiri are more distant than Sind. At the last Bombay Provincial Conference at Poona it was brought to the notice of the Government that better communication with Ratnagiri was urgently needed. These places are being governed directly by the Bombay Government and it is difficult to understand why it should be otherwise with Sind. Karachi has risen considerably in importance so much so that some thought it fit to be made the metropolis of India, and yet this important place should be under the control of a single individual is something hard to understand. It will be better if we are separated from Bombay than remain as we are and join Punjab as the President said in his speech”.

Mr. Gopaldas Jhamatmal while seconding Mr. Harchadrai said:- “By the preamble of Act V of 1868 it is provided that the Commissioner should be invested with only some powers of the Governor in Council, but in effect the Commissioner has been given virtually all the powers e.g. under the Bombay Police Act, under the Bombay Municipal Act, under the Civil and Criminal Procedure codes and also under the Defense of India Act. As a result the destinies of Sind are placed under the control of one single individual un helped by any Council. If remaining with Bombay was possible only on these terms then I for one would prefer to have Sind joined to the Punjab. At one time Act V of 1868 may have been necessary but the times are changed and now no such necessity exists. Sind has not got sufficient number of representatives in the Bombay Legislative Councils. As regard the Imperial Council we get the right of representation by turn. It seems as if the Minto – Morley reforms were never calculated to do us any good.”

(The Daily Gazette, Dated April 25, 1916 page No. 10)           

FURTHER PROCEEDINGS

Discussion was continued upon the motion proposed by the Hon. Mr. Harchandral Vishindas with regard to the desirability of government by a Governor in Council rather by a single individual and advocating the repeal of the Act whereby wide powers were delegated to the Commissioner in Sind.

            Mr. Abdur Rahman said:- “It must have struck you as curious that three pleaders should be entrusted with his resolution. You must by no means presume that they are the only class aggrieved. All classes of people are much affected by the present system and the sooner it is removed the better. No doubt lawyers can understand better than any others the defects and beauties of any administrative system and they are the most competent to criticize it. On former occasions Indians have dwelt upon the necessity of governors and high officials of state possessing Parliamentary experience. That experience is desirable one, because the British Parliament is reputed to be the best and most efficient administrative body in the world, a body of which the British people are justly proud. It is presumed that one having Parliamentary experience must possess the highest administrative qualities. Sind is unfortunate in not being governed by one possessing the above qualities from Parliamentary experience. Another thing that strikes me as most ridiculous is that Sind should send its representative to the Bombay Legislative Council to advise a Governor on the government of Sind when he has little to do with that province, the actual government being in the hands of the Commissioner. The rule of a Governor in Council is a form of Government and no matter how able Commissioner we may have had, it is desirable that the rule of a single individual should cease. The president in his speech referred to Sind being joined to the Punjab. God keep us from that union! You all know the familiar proverb about Punjabis, and the benefits some Punjabi officers imported here have conferred on us are no secret from you. Next as to Baluchistan. The raids of Brohis have robbed us of our peace, and were we placed under the same government as those savage people. I have little hope for our future. We must remain joined to Bombay, because all our educational progress is due to our being a part of the Bombay Presidency. By a separation from Bombay our educational progress would be blocked, a result which should be avoided at all costs. The only thing we want is to be governed by the Governor in Council as the rest of the Presidency, and I hope that you will heartily join in passing this resolution.”

            The president:- “Before I put this resolution to the vote I may tell you that a few days back, a high official of State was traveling with me. From him I learnt that the question of separating Sind from the Bombay Presidency and joining it either to the Punjab or to Baluchistan was receiving the serious consideration of the Government of India. As between the Punjab and Baluchistan the former would certainly be preferable.”

The resolution was unanimously carried.

Dacoities

            Mr. Bhojsing moved the fourth resolution:-

            “Whereas serious dacoities have created a panic in Sind, particularly in the Larkana district, this Conference desires to draw the attention of the Government and humbly suggests that a mixed committee of officials and non-officials  be appointed which may investigate and find out means for preventing this form of crime.”

            Mr. Bhojsing said: “This question has a special importance for Larkana, for the people of this district have suffered more than any other from these dacoities. It is not easy to lay one’s finger on their root causes, neither is this the fitting place to say what changes are required in administration to check this terrible crime. At present we think it fit to ask for the appointment of a committee of inquiry, and no more. In every civilized country, it has been the duty of the police to maintain order and investigate crime. In this district, which has a very severe officer as District Superintendent of Police, commonly called the “Captain Sahib” whose honesty and energy cannot be questioned, and when the police force is larger than in any  other part of Sind, it is not easy to understand why dacoities should be such common occurrence. My experience of twenty years as lawyers has taught me, and Mr. Lal chand Navalria (chairman of the reception committee) agree with me, that dacoities are the most serious kind of crime. Murders are matters of the moment – sudden provocation, an ill-directed blow or drunkenness may well bring them about. But a dacoity is always premeditated, and causes great disturbance in the public peace. The D.S.P. is honest energetic and has been doing his utmost to check this crime, but without avail. Perhaps greater vigilance and honesty is required from the subordinate police and greater firmness on the part of the magistracy. I regret to say both are lacking. It is the business of the police to challan criminals. It is the duty of the magistrate to administer justice. If a magistrate sees no case against accused he must discharge him. It is also his business to expose the vagaries of the police. But a magistrate has the apprehension that he will displease his superior officers by discharging a police case, the result will necessarily be disastrous. Injustice will be done by just the person whose sacred duty to administer justice. The weakness of magistracy, the corruption of the subordinate police must be inquired into. The condition of the Zamindars is growing more and more wretched. It is well known by what means they are terrorized. All this has led an increase in crime, and a committee of inquiry is absolutely necessary. To a very great extent the remedy lies in the hands of the District Magistrate. You all know that some time back, when the cry against dacoities became loud and general, Mr. Hudson was as Collector. During the three months of his office peace to a great extent was restored. This is an instance of what a district magistrate can do. If a committee is appointed, as we hope it will be, the Zamindars should be given distantly to understand that no harm will befall them for stating their opinions freely and boldly before the committee. It will be well if government nominates some pleaders also on the committee for as between the people and Government they are not afraid of speaking out the truth. The pleaders and the Zamindars should be taken into confidence. Even those suspected under S. 110 Crime. Pro. Code should be consulted for this indeed is a serious question and Government ought to avail itself of information and suggestions from every possible quarter”.

            Mr. Virusing, who seconded, said that he belonged to the district where dacoities were most rampant. He had been to several villages with cases before Mukhtiarkars, and his inquiries had made him fully aware of the terror under which the villagers live. The condition of the Banias was pitiable. Not a night passed but they had the constant dread of a visit from dacoits. Many people who could had left the villagers and gone to towns, leaving houses and lands behind them. The case of those who could not avail themselves of the expediency of shifting from villages could readily be imagined. These dacoits commenced in the year 1902. In 1906 there were 8 dacoities – in the first which occurred in Johi Taluka documents and books of account of Banias were destroyed. In the second, who took place in Kakar Taluka, the police was robbed of a rifle. In 1907 there were 10 dacoities. In 1908 there were three and one in 1911. In 1915 and 1916 there have been dacoities one after the other, in which rifles have been used with frequent loss of life. Some labor under the wrong impression that pleaders take pleasure in the increase of dacoities. It is not so. The pleaders are as ardently desirous as others that this sort of crime be put down. Let a committee be appointed to find out the causes and suggest measures.

            Mr. Shumsoodin Balbul said that Government was not doing all that it could be stop these pernicious dacoities. The severest punishments have been inadequate to check the crime. It was necessary that the question should be carefully sifted by a committee of inquiry. The committee should not consist of officials only but non officials, men of character and trust, should be appointed and not mere Jo-hukums. He further suggested that it would be better if those dacoities were tried by Jirgash, which might be formed where none existed at present.

Mr. Jan Muhammad Juneejo, bar-at-law, said that two causes were generally attributed to these dacoities. First that the Zamindars were at the bottom of them, and second that the police were at the bottom. Twenty years ago the Zamindars were much respected by the Government officers and they commanded an influence of which they have not even a shadow at present. Day by the Zamindars were being thrust backwards, though they had more education now that formerly. This might be attributed to the police who have its eyes constantly on the pockets of the Zamindars, not infrequently threatening them with prosecutions under S. 110 of the Crim. Proc. Code or with deprivation of the privilege of carrying arms or getting a chair. The poor Zamindars by these means were easily black mailed and they did not mind paying hundreds of rupees to be left alone. The right of carrying a sword or getting a chair was much prized. A Zamindar did not mind bearing false testimony in police cases to secure these privileges (heavenly in his eyes). It could not be imagined how this class of people would have courage to encourage dacoities. That the police were corrupt and a veracious was an admitted fact. A committee of inquiry would certainly find out where the abuse lay and discover speedy means of checking the Dacoities.

            The resolution was carried unanimously. (The Daily Gazette, dated April 26, 1916 page No. 10)

FURTHER PROCEEDINGS

The fifth resolution discussed by the Sind Provincial Conference at Larkana was:-

“In view of the most unsatisfactory way in which Sec. 110 of the Criminal procedure Code has been used for challenging Badmashes, this Conference is of the opinion that the police should be deprived of that authority under S. 110 and instead the Mukhtiarkar be vested with those powers, and, further, a committee of non-officials be appointed (for each Taluka) to work with the Mukhtiarkar for the purpose of bringing badmashes to book”.

Mr. Santdas Magharam, moving the resolution, said that the Section had been often misused by the police. Some might criticize the pleaders who wanted dacoities to be checked and at the same time wished to deprive the police of those powers. But looking to the way in which that authority has been used by the police, and remembering the salutary principle of law that it is better that a hundred criminals go free rather than one innocent man to suffer, he urged those present to pass the resolution. Few of the real badmashes were ever brought to book. This Section was largely used to satisfy private enmity, to blackmail innocent people and in cases even to deprive poor Muhammadans of their lawfully wedded wives. He was engaged in a badmash case when he had freshly become a pleader, somewhere in Thar. At the Mukhtiarkar’s manzil he learnt that only a few away there was a regular settlement of criminals who committed thefts and dealt in stolen property which they sent off to Jaisalmere for disposal, getting in exchange stolen property to be disposed of in Sind. He learnt to his surprise that the members of the police there each received a fixed sum monthly. It was a hold statement to make but he made it, as the record of that would prove that that was the defence urged by the accused in that badmash case, a defense which substantiated by poor. The police officer had asked for a bribe of Rs. 300 which the accused refused to give. It would be better it Chapter 8 of the Criminal Procedure Code disappeared altogether. But if the existence of the chapter were deemed necessary the Mukhtiarkars should be given power, which they should use only in consultation with the committee of non-officials.

            Rais Abdullah Khan Tunio seconded, agreeing with Mr. Santdas on every point. The present state of affairs was intolerable and if power is given to the Mukhtiarkars with a committee of non officials to help them, it was hoped that considerable improvement would be effected.

            The resolution was carried unanimously.

Rasai

            Serai Shah Muhammad  Lahori moved the following resolution:- “While thanking those officers who have endeavored to stop the pernicious system of Rasai, this Conference expresses its disappointment at the continuance of this system, inflicting great hardship on the Zamindars, and strongly recommends that the touring period of officials in all departments and the strength of their establishments should be decreased. Also contractors should be appointed from the headquarter of each Taluka to supply provisions to the officers in the Taluka, and revenue officials and their subordinates should cease to have anything to do with the matter of supplying provisions”. He said that the condition of the Zamindars was no secret from anybody. All were aware of the dread and fear which the Zamindars entertained during the touring season. It was the business of the district officers to allay their grievances. The circulars of the commissioner regarding Rasai had produced no perceptible result; on the contrary the rule had gone up from 1 to 1 ½  annas to 2 to 2 ½  annas. The Zamindars were given contracts, but they did not know how to recover the money, neither had they been taught how to use the Bania’s

Balance in weighting provisions. There should be contractors well versed in these affairs. As regards the benefits derived from the tours of district officers the least said the better. No one would regret the total stopping of tours, which should at least be curtailed and confined to Taluka headquarters, just as Col. Alfred Mayhew, a very popular officer, used to do. Those gentlemen never moved outside the district headquarters with more than two or three servants, and never gave more trouble to the Zamindars than he could possibly help. The Tapedar’s lapa was also a serious burden on the Zamindars. The only means he could think of to stop it was that the Tapedar, like the Zaildar in the Punjab, should be appointed from one of the Zamindars of the Taluka to collect rent and hand it in to the treasury, or in the alternative the Zamindars should be given free postal money orders to enable them to send in their revenue assessment free of cost direct to the treasury without having anything to do with the Tapedar. The farce of going and saying to the Mukhtiarkar that the Tapedar has taken no lapo was still more annoying. There was absolutely no sense in that procedure, Rasai had sucked the blood of the Zamindars dry, and the Government ought to adopt the suggestion of the resolution put into practice for the sake of the Zamindars.

            Mr. Madhoods, of Garhi Yasin, who seconded the resolutions, gave a practical illustration from his personal experience. There being some difference of opinion between the sub-inspector of police of his Taluka and himself, the Collector thought it necessary to visit Mr. Madhoodas’s lands to make personal local investigation. Mr. Madhoods had got a particular spot cleared for the Collector’s camp, but the peons would not pitch the tent there. Another spot was selected which was got ready. The peons wanted bukhsheesh which Madhoodas declined to give. Thereupon began his troubles. Milk jar after jar was spoiled by the peons and Mr. Madhoodas finally ordered all the cattle in his village to be taken to the Collector’s camp to be milked under personal supervision. Then it was that peons were brought their sense. The Collector came to know of his peon’s mischief and expressed his regret to Mr. Madhoodas’s. The matter was decided in Mr. Madhoodas’s favour. But such officers were rare. Had there been any other officer but the one actually there Mr. Madhoodas’s position would have been critical indeed. The evils of Rasai were manifold and should be stopped by all possible means, so that Zamindars may be able to breathe freely.

            The resolution was unanimously carried.

Self-Government for India

            On the proceedings being resumed upon the second day the president moved the following resolution:- “That this Conference sends hearty congratulations to the All India Congress Committee and the Moslem League which are meeting at Allahabad to day and sincerely prays for the success of the resolution of self government for India, which these two association  have to consider and pass. The president is request to wire this resolution to them at Allahabad”.

            On being put to the vote the resolution was unanimously carried.

The next resolution was also moved from the chair on the question of allowing Indians to be volunteers and giving them Commissions in the army and navy. It also was unanimously carried.

            Mr. Mathrades moved that this Conference is of the opinion that the time has arrived when according to the Congress rules c1. 1, steps should be taken for advancing local self-government i.e. reforms should be introduced in the administration of the country so to as give a greater control to the people e.g.

(a)                Provincial autonomy along with financial autonomy.

(b)               Legislative councils should be so increased and reformed as to properly represent all classes of people, and they should have greater control over the executive councils.

(c)                The present executive councils should be reformed and provinces not possessing executive councils should be given executive councils.

(d)               The India Council should either be abolished or reformed.

(e)                Provinces not possessing legislative councils should be given legislative councils.

(f)                 The relative position of the Secretary of state and the Government of India should be definitely determined.

(g)                Local self-government should be more encouraged than it has been up to now.

            Mr. Mathradas said that the resolution was one which had received considerable attention at the last Congress, where it was duly passed. India had rendered great service to the Empire during the present Armageddon which had been appreciated throughout the world. There was talk of the change of the angle of vision and expectations ran high that political reforms of a far-reaching character would be introduced in India after the war. India wanted nothing more than what had been given to Ireland and the colonies and that was self-government within the Empire under the suzerainty of Great Britain. The resolution had met with the approval of the Moslem League, and at Allahabad the All India Congress Committee and the Moslem League had met to prepare a scheme. The function of the conference was not to do that but only to make suggestions. The resolution was divided into seven parts. The first concerned financial autonomy. It was anomalous that those who paid the taxes should have no voice in the deliberations of those who spent the money. The principle “no taxation without representation” should be followed. The people should know how the public funds were spent. The second part was about Legislative Councils. As constituted at present Legislative are hardly representative. Officials and nominated members always outnumbered the elected members so that the elected members had not the hardest chance of carrying any proposal. There should be a larger number of elected members; otherwise the people would never have any control. As to executive councils, it was true that one Indian was appointed on each executive council, but the selection had generally been of a man of no abilities, a more statue like sort of person who did no work and had not the capacity to do any. India did not want more figure heads to represent it. That was no representation whatever. Persons who commanded the confidence and trust of the people by their high abilities and independent character were alone worthy of filling such placed. Moreover there should be two Indians instead of one, on each executive council and where executive councils do not exist it was desirable that they should be created. Next as regards the India complaints about that body. It seemed to be a great hindrance in the way of political reform in India. It consisted of retired civilians who had remained in India for 15 years or more, and only two Indians. It was time that the Council, if not altogether abolished were at least considerably reformed. Next, Sind was not the only province without a legislative council; there were others where legislative councils should be brought into being. The position of the Secretary of State was included in the question of the India Council. The last part of the resolution dealt with local self government. The condition of municipalities and local boards was known. There should be more municipalities, which might afford a training ground for self-government. Suspension as of the Hyderabad Municipality, were measure which deprived the people of an opportunity of training themselves. No doubt faults would occur, but it must be remembered that experience teaches and in the end all would come right. Public spirit was inculcated by the presence of public bodies and not by their absence. Local self government in the form of municipalities should be greatly encouraged. Local boards should be given wider powers and freed of official control. Virtually the district officer did everything in the local board. The other members merely bowed to his will. Another

strange thing about local boards was that the Deputy Collector, who was the vice president, was also secretary. He held two conflicting posts, one as master and another as servant. If things went on thus there would be no improvement even in a thousand years. In the report of the Local Boards committee to be published soon, it was to be hoped that something would be done to mend matters.

            Mr. Virumal Begraj of Sukkur, who seconded, was unsparing in his denunciation of so called public leaders who looked more to self interest than to the public good and who made a football of their country to be tossed about here and there at their wills. Talking about the Huzur Deputy Collector he reminded them of the Sukkur Municipality in which a Huzur Deputy Collector had been elected chairman of the managing committee of that Municipality. He said that the Congress had harped for thirty years. On that string i.e. the grant of self government to India. The Indian and British press had cried itself hoarse. All the great Indian leaders Dadhabhai Naoroji (Cheers) Gokhale, (Cheers), Sir Pherozeshah Mehta (loud cheers) and others had demanded self-government in unmistakable terms. John Bright, the great Englishman, had declared India worthy of self government. Indians were often told that they were not yet fit for it. If India had not become fit after 150 years of British rule whose was the fault? Look to Japan. See what immense strides she has made within fifty years. In what way were Indians inferior to the Japanese? Man by nature was born to be free. Each strove for freedom and there was no crime in asking for self government. There was no question of separating from the British, or driving them out. India wanted self government within the empire; R.C. Dutt had shown in his book how India suffered in trade. If India had self government it would immediately stop that. In this war Indians had shed blood and treasure on the battlefields of France. They considered it a duty to stand by England in the hour of her severe trial and had been unstinting in their sacrifices. Did not such loyalty deserve greater trust from our rules? Indians should have greater control in the Secretary of State for India’s Council; they should have a greater control in the budget; and a greater control in the Railways, where the Europeans enjoyed privileges altogether denied to the sons of India. In this country a dacoit could wield arms while an honest man could not. Many Indians had been interned under the Defence of India Act. These anomalies would disappear were India given self government. Liberty and the prosperity of India should be the motto of each Indian, and to realize these, Self-government was essential.(The Daily Gazette, dated 27^th April 1916,p.p.4&5)

FURTHER PROCEEDINGS

            In continuation of the discussion at the Sind Provincial Conference at Larkana on the self Government resolution Mr. Shah Nawaz Pirzada, B.A. , said the resolution meant

Nothing more than asking for gradual progress to the goal of self government for India, on the same lines as the colonies has it, within the Empire. The interests of India would continue to be bound up with those of England, Self government did not mean severance of interests, as could be seen from the example of the colonies, which though self governed had rallied round the Union Jack in Great War. India wanted self government not of the type advocated by Bepin Chandra Pal and Aravindo Ghose, but on the lines advocated by Dadabhai Naoroji. Self government could be had by respectfully asking for it from Government and not by fighting. The argument that Indians were not yet fit for it and that they required time was one not worthy of consideration. That argument could be advanced for ever if India continued as it was. Serious attempts should be made to train Indians by giving them opportunities to manage their local affairs. They would never be fit if no opportunities were given them. It might be asked what Indians want self government for. All high posts were denied to Indians. However able and clever they be, their ambition could not rise to being more than subordinates. No Indian could ever aspire to be a Wellington or a Ghatham or a Pitt, over and above all these considerations of monetary gain there was the predominant consideration of national prestige. Indians must be able to hold up their heads. Gokhale had said “The tallest of us must bow down to the exigencies of time …..” That must cease. Muhammadans might think that they would not gain by self government, and some self interested persons had been telling them all government would be in the hands of Hindus and they would be driven out of India, as the Moors were from Spain. Let the Muhammadans be disabused of that mischievous impression. Indian history had it that during the days of Muhammadan rule, Hindus held very high posts in the army and in other departments of state. Jaswant Singh, a Rajput, held the post of Governor of Kabul, a place peopled solely by Muhammadans. Even during present times Muhammadan states had had Hindu prime ministers. For example Hyderabad Deccan. Thanks to education, the spirit of bigotry was disappearing. Those who had studied the Hindu religion, not with the object of criticizing but with the object of gaining knowledge about it, had found Hinduism an excellent religion. The difference of religion, of which so much advantage was being taken by selfish persons, was due to sheer ignorance. With the increase of education it would disappear, and Hindus and Muhammadans would be benefited in equal degree by self-government for India within the Empire. There was no desire on the of India to separate itself from England. Indians owed a very great deal to England. Education and advanced ideas had been given by England. The Conference pandal contained a motto “Deserve and then Desire”. If the motto meant that Indians did not deserve it was a bad motto Indians deserved, and this childish motto should be discarded. The late Sir Henry Campbell Bannerman, Premier of Great Britain, had said that any kind of self government was better than any other rule, Indians should not be afraid of mistakes in the beginning. They could be rectified with increased experience.

Mr. Shersing said that the ancient history of India showed that the Hindus had a very superior civilization. The vicissitudes of fortune had played strangely with the destinies of India, and for a long time it remained under foreign domination. It was a matter of joy that now they were governed by the British and that British statesmen, such as Lord Ripon, had thought of educating and training Indians for a greater share in their government, Municipalities were instituted in India solely with that object. The time had now come when Hindus and Muhammadans should unitedly ask for self government.

            The resolution was carried unanimously.

Elected Representatives on Municipal Boards.

            Mr. Virusing moved: “ That this conference is of the opinion that Larkana and Rohri should be given the right of electing their representatives on the municipal boards without the least delay and that the same right should be given to towns possessing a population of 5,000 or over, so that the people may be trained for self government. He said that before the people got self government, it concerned them more nearly to get local self government in the form of elected municipalities. Larkana asked for no special favour. It made a legitimate demand, to which it was legally and morally entitled according to the District Municipal Act, which lay down that towns having a population of 3,500 or over should have the right of electing their municipal councilors. Larkana had a population of 16,000. The District Municipal Act further required that for every 1,000 people there should be 20 voters. For 16,000, 320 voters would be necessary, but Larkana had three times that number. All the necessary elements for qualifying Larkana to elect its municipal councilors were there. There could be no reason why the right should be deferred. The present state had continued since 1885 without any change. Form 1885 to the present day the people of Larkana had progressed considerably in education, commerce and other walks of life. The place had been thought fit for having the honour of holding a conference. Neither could the people of Larkana be accused of indifference and laziness in asking for their rights. They had sent petitions which remained unanswered. They had agitated in the press. The only result so for had been that the Government invited the opinion of the existing Municipality which as a matter of course was averse to the granting of the franchise (cries of “shame”). A meeting was then held and the question thoroughly discussed. Some of the municipal councilors were converted and brought over to the side of those who favoured election. The Commissioner was interviewed, and said that the Larkana people were inviting discord but he would consider. No result had been announced of that consideration yet. As regards quarrels, were the framers of the Act so much wanting in foresight that they did not anticipate what would happen in the beginning? Nothing had been provided in the Act that where there was a likelihood of quarrels, the franchise should not be given. That argument had no substance. Quarrels engendered healthy public opinion, Larkana had waited long. When would Larkana get this right? Would it be for the next generation?

            Mr. Tulsidas, of Rohri, said that the complaint of Rohri was similar to that of Larkana. The people had lived in constant hope which had remained unrealized. A elected municipality was the first step to self government. The members of the Bombay Legislative Council there present should move in the matter and urge government to confer this long deferred privilege on Larkana and Rohri. Rohri had made immense strides. It was next to Hyderabad in education and the first in industry in Sind. It possessed a mill manufactured silk, which had a demand throughout India to such an extent that the mill could not supply the cloth in sufficient quantity. It might be that Larkana, having a larger population was standing in the way of Rohri. Let them both have the cherished privilege as soon as possible.

            Mr. Pessumal Tarachand declared that Larkana had considerably risen in importance inasmuch as it was a district town and possessed a District Court. They should ask again till they get the municipal franchise.

            Mr. Jethmal Parsram said that the congress ideal was to attain self government. It might be that people were selfish and in municipalities looked to their own gain more than to that of the public. But this was because the people had few privileges. Had they more a strong public opinion would be created and the leaders kept under proper control. Moreover, the presence of the official and nominated element was a serious hindrance in the way of municipal work. Just as an army was split into two by a wedge and its power of co-operation taken away to the utter destruction of the whole so did this undesirable element act in the municipality. It was a wedge between two parties preventing them from co-operation and doing useful work. That was why the municipalities had not succeeded so well as they ought. Hyderabad was not to blame. Municipalities should consist of elected members.

            This resolution was also unanimously carried.

            Mr. Rijhumal Isardas moved: “that this conference request the Government to repeal (1) the rule which empowers government to take into possession any survey number of agricultural land which has remained uncultivated for four years unless assessment under fallow rules is paid (2) those sections of the Land Revenue Code and rules farmed in accordance therewith by which government is empowered to refuse to give back such survey number to the original occupant or to put such conditions of fixed period or restricted tenure as government thinks fit in case it allows the original occupant to take the holding”. He remarked that the British had continued the Moghul system of land revenue. The means of collecting land revenue were not then fixed and in default of payment the Moghul rulers used to deprive the occupants of land. The British Government seemed to be of the opinion that the land belonged to government and it could impose any condition it liked. That position was fallacious. The means of collecting revenue had been fixed, and the government had wide means of recovering it. Under these conditions the present system required to be modified. Fallow rules applied to Sind only, where the ryotwari tenure, as in the Bombay Presidency had been wrongly brought in force. In Sind the lands were in the hands of big Zamindars and their tenure was quite distinct from that which prevailed in the rest of the Bombay Presidency. Sind is depended on irrigation. The fallow rules deemed to have been framed with a view to prevent laziness on the part of the Zamindars. But as a matter of fact no Zamindars in these days of keen competition and struggle for existence want only forsook any survey number. Survey numbers which remained uncultivated for five years remained so through no fault of the Zamindars, but on account of the dearth of water. In these circumstances the rule worked very harshly on the Zamindars and government would win everlasting gratitude if this great hardship were removed. Next as regards the government refusing the land to the original occupant. Proprietary rights of occupants had been recognized in many decisions of the Bombay High Court. It was but fitting that the government should formally recognize those judicial decisions and declare its rights in accordance therewith.

            Mr. Shumsuddin seconding drew the attention of the audience to the ways of the P.W.D. and the insufficiency of water. He cited the instance of Western Nara which had been silted up to the extent of ten feet in height. When there was only one foot of water the indicator showed II feet. Only those survey numbers remained uncultivated which could not be supplied with water. It was the bounden duty of government to supply water and when it failed the Zamindars should not be made to suffer. Fallow rules should be applicable, if at all, to those lands which had been cultivated continually for last ten years and not those which have never seen water.

            Rais Abdullah Khan Tunio cited the instance of the Ghar Canal, which used to be 23 to 24 ft. board and which was only 12 to 13ft. board at present. Fallow rules were a real hardship on the zamindars and required to be repealed. Also the proprietary rights of the zamindars should be recognized by government.

            The resolution was unanimously carried. (The Daily Gazette dated April 28, 1916 Page 10)

FURTHER PROCEEDINGS

            Mr. Naraindas moved: “That this conference is of the opinion that the rules as regards the remission of revenue, though be speaking the best intentions of Government, have been found bad in principle as well as practice, and therefore this conference recommends that (a) at the time of recommending remission the total produce should be taken into consideration and not the area under cultivation; (b) For the purpose of remission, there should be a fixed time for the inspection of crop so that the Zamindars may be able to have the fullest advantage and if the crops are not inspected within that time the Zamindars may be taken to have received the permission of reaping the crop; (c) Remission should be granted liberally, and at times when there is a general failure of crops, general remission might be granted without inspecting any survey numbers”. Mr. Naraindas said that under the present system remission could be had only with the greatest difficulty. At the time the first revenue survey was made and the assessment on each survey number was fixed the legislature had in view the granting of liberal remission in proper cases. That was the only reason why the assessment was so heavy in Sind. But those good intentions of the Government had not been put into practice. Many technical difficulties existed in the granting of remission, for example, if a Zamindar cultivated less than 100 survey numbers he could not get remission. Moreover, the revenue officers could revoke remission on the lightest pretexts. The remotest suspicion that the crops had been touched had been held as sufficient reason to revoke remission. Moreover, the Zamindars could not reap their crops they were inspected. The Mukhtiarkar often had to deal with 1,000 to 1,500 applications for remission each, and it often happened that many Zamindars were forced either to forge remission or their crop, it being impossible for their Mukhtiarkar to inspect the crops in time for harvesting. Further the Mukhtiarkar had grown very timid in the granting of remission. The collectors were very suspicious and as a result great hardships result on Zamindars in many cases. It would be better if Government appointed special officers for the purposes of remission.

            Kazi Abdul Karim, who seconded, urged the desirability of fixing a period for the inspection of crops for the purpose of remission.

            The resolution was unanimously carried.

            Mr. Gopaldas Jhamatmal moved: “That this conference, while thanking the Government for appointing a commission to consider the question of the period of settlement in Sind, emphatically prays the Government to increase the period of settlement from ten to thirty years at least also fixes a maximum of assessment for the benefit and well being of the Zamindars of Sind”. he said that this question vitally concerned the people of Sind, as agriculture was their chief occupation. The condition of Zamindars of Sind was unenviable and was growing sadder day by day. They were immersed in debt, and the haris were starving and getting poorer and poorer as time went on. The existing rate of assessment was heavy, and left only a bare sustenance to the Zamindars. In Greece, Persia and China the Government did not get more than one sixth of the total agriculture produce. There was a time when in India the share of the Government was no more than one twelfth. Justice required that a maximum rate of assessment should be fixed by Government, beyond which it should not go. Next as regards the period of settlement, Sec. 102 of the Bombay Land Revenue Code allowed a period of thirty years only. The longer the period of settlement the better it would be. To ask for more than thirty years as the period of settlement would properly be a matter for the Congress to consider. He confined himself to asking for a period of thirty years only. It was rumored that as a result of the Settlement Commission, Government would increase the period from ten years to twenty years, but he hoped the Government would do better than that.

            Mr. Rijhumal Isardas, seconding, said that the short period of settlement was highly unsatisfactory. It was based on the theory of unearned increment and the Government acted upon it very strictly. The doctrine of unearned increments was a matter of controversy between economists of the greatest repute. In the interests of the people it was desirable that the period of settlement should be as long as possible.  

            This resolution was carried unanimously.(The Daily Gazette, dated 29^th April 1916, page 10)

FINAL PROCEEDINGS

            Mr. Hashmatri L. Chablani moved: “This Conference draws the attention of the Chancellor of the University of Bombay to the inadequate representation of Sind on the Senate of the University of Bombay and requests that the claims of Sind be satisfied by nominating a sufficient number of Fellows from Sind on the University Senate”. He said that Sind had long had cause to complain about the step child treatment it had been getting from the Government. The same complaint could be made with greater reason as regards representation on the senate of the Bombay University. The Governor, who was the Chancellor, had the right to nominate eighty Fellows and up till now one man from Sind had been nominated and he was a European and an official. Sind could boast of a sufficiently large number of educated persons to claim right of greater presentation. Sind formed one fourth of the Presidency and was clearly entitled to have twenty Sindhis nominated as Fellows. The Senate determined the lines on which education should proceed throughout the Presidency and it was intolerable that Sind should have no voice in it.

            Mr. Kishendas said that unfortunately Sindhi graduates did not themselves registered though they were entitled to do so. If there were many Sindhi registered graduates they could elect a representative, but till then Government should be approached to nominate some Sindhis. Sind had one college and it was hoped that there would be two more colleges shortly. Sind possessed 12 high schools, and primary education had made great strides during the past few years.

            The resolution was unanimously carried.

SUKKUR BARRAGE

            Mr. Tulsidas moved: “Whereas the quantity of water in the Indus has not been sufficient of late, this Conference is of the opinion that the project about the Sukkur Barrage and Rohri canal should be immediately taken in hand and until then no fresh canals should be allowed to be dug from the Indus in the Punjab”. He said that the question of water possessed special importance for Sind, relying as it did mostly on agriculture. The Punjab had been taking away a good deal of water during the past ten years. Formerly the water level used to be 5ft. 3 in at Bukkur. Now it was 3ft. only, and it was feared that even that level would not be maintained, as the Punjab government were projecting fresh canals. The Punjab ought not be allowed to thrive at the cost of Sind.

            Wadero Sahib Khan said that the Zamindars had complained before. A durbar was held in which Government promised to approach the Punjab Government and settle the question once for all. The Collector of Sukkur,too,had been promising to move in the matter,but all these promises had no result.

            The resolution was passed unanimously.

WATER SUPPLY FOR AGRICULTURE

            Mr. Mathradas moved: “Whereas the present policy of the Government as regards the supply of water to agriculture lands, especially the narrowing of many water courses and the insufficient clearing of canals, has caused serious loss to Zamindars, this Conference humbly requests the Government to adopt speedy means of removing this hardship”. He said that the Government laboured under the impression that water was being wasted and that it should be economized so that new canals might be dug. On account of that old canals were being narrowed, the Bagari Canal being the first so dealt with. After complaints a committee of inquiry was held which resulted in partial restoration of the old water course. The Fuleli canal was now being similarly narrowed. The narrowing of canals was against public policy, and the P.W.D. had no right to narrow canals which had existed since the days of Kalhoras, long before the advent of the British. Moreover the Engineering Department refused to supply more water than was sufficient for cultivating one third of the land any Zamindars, on the ground that no Zamindar was entitled to cultivate more than one third. This was an infringement of the Zamindar’s rights, who was surely entitled to cultivate his whole land. If he did not, he became liable under the Fallow rules. At present a test case was pending in which the P.W.D. had taken up the above position. Beyond doubt the Government did not favour rice cultivation and hence the restriction about water, a policy which was causing much the discontent. The Conference ought to bring it to the notice of the Government so that the suffering of the Zamindars might cease. Moreover the revenue assessment includes the water assessment, the latter forming a substantial portion of the former.

            Mr. Jotumal, seconding, compared Sind to the Punjab, dwelling upon the prosperity of the latter and the poverty of the former. The collector, Mr. Sale, when asked about the cause of this difference said that the Punjabis were very particular to meet and ask for what they wanted while the Sindhis quietly let things go. Time was when the Ghar canal used to be flushed with water to the extent of 15 feet in level. Now the water level was hardly 8 feet, with the result that lands having rich rice cultivation could not grow even Bajri or grass for cattle. Rich Zamindars had been made poor, some had been forced to become haris themselves, many had been made to leave their to become haris themselves, many had been made to leave their lands altogether. The lands on the Upper Ghar Canal had suffered the most and strange to say though reduced from Class 1 to

Class II, the assessment on them had been increased. Government records showed that cultivation had decreased 70%.

            Mr. Joonejo supported the resolution which was passed unanimously.

OWNERSHIP IN TREES ON PRIVATE CANALS

            Mr. Mathradas moved: “This Conference is of the opinion that trees on private canals should be declared to be the property of the persons owing the private canals without any right of interference on the part of government and that the present attitude of government as regards the right to such trees is improper”. He expressed the opinion that as the people had the right to the land through which the canals passed they obviously had the right to the trees growing thereon. He had been prosecuted for felling trees on his private canal but he got off by proving with the help of a circular of a former Commissioner that he was entitled to take the trees of his own use. He further said that the Tapedar and their kotars often troubled Zamindars and threatened to prosecute them for cutting these trees. A definite declaration and recognition of the Zamindars rights would put an end to a good deal of trouble and annoyance. He further cited a letter from Mr. Giles, Commissioner is Sind, dated 3^rd May, 1882, which purported to recognize the Zamindars right to trees.

            Mr. Mulchand Pessumal said that the position taken up by the Government was inexplicable. The right was first asserted some years back, but in a suit which followed, the judgment of Mr. Dayaram Gidumal, the judge, laid down in clear terms that the Zamindars were entitled to the trees.

            The resolution was unanimously passed. 

SWADESHI

            Mr. Virumal Begraj moved: “This Conference is in favour of Swadeshi and asks all the people of Sind to support the movement by encouraging local arts and industries and using Indian made things, in preference to foreign things even at in reused cost”.

            He said that there was a time when India was very prosperous but now the sun of prosperity shine over Japan. To bring back prosperity to the country it was necessary to encourage native industries. The trade figures showed that foreign cloth worth 124 crores of rupees was yearly imported into India and only 68 crores worth of raw material was exported, to be brought back to India and sold at ten times the first value after undergoing transformation in Europe. By buying foreign cloth money was being sent out of India; by

The encouragement of Swadeshi goods the money would remain in India. What did it matter, therefore if Indians paid more for Indian goods than for foreign? To check the growing poverty of India the only means was the encouragement of Swadeshi. Indians should cease to be slaves of fashion and help their own industries, and should also ask the Government for help. Japan had progressed so rapidly only with State help. Fortunately at Shikarpur and Rohri cloth mills had been started and they ought to be helped as much as possible.

            Dr. Choithram said that when America separated from England, there were no local industries. Felt was the only cloth manufactured, but the Americans in their great love of Swadeshi wore only felt and no other kind of cloth. Indians should show a similar spirit. Comparing statistics one was struck with the fact that while in England the yearly income per man was Rs. 600, in India it was only Rs. 15. India possessed no industries worth name, as former industries had disappeared. The absence of industrial education and the taxation on local manufactures made it impossible as was being done in Japan.

            The resolution was unanimously passed.

CONGRESS COMMITTEE APPOINTED

            The following resolution was moved by the Hon. Mr. Bhurgri from the chair and carried unanimously:- “This conference resolve that a Congress Committee be formed for the province of Sind which may transact all business concerning Congress matters and may also arrange for Sind Provincial or District Conference. Further another committee of the following gentlemen :- Messrs. Harchandrai, Jamshed N.R. Mehta, Gopaldas Jhamatmal, Hashmatrai L. Chablani, Virumal Begraj, Mulchand Pessumal, Virusing Himatsing, Shah Mahomed Lahori and Mr. Pirzada, with Mr. Jairamdas Doulatram as secretary, be formed which may frame the aims and objects of the Sind Congress Committee and the Sind Provincial Conference and send the same for approval to each District Congress Committee in Sind by August 1, 1916, to be subsequently presented for discussion in the subjects committee of the next Sind Provincial Conference.   

RIGHT TO CARRY ARMS

            Mr. Hafiz moved: “The Arms Act 11 of 1878 which had placed the people of this country under a disability resulting in intolerable hardship is repealed”.

The Hon. Mr. Harchandrai moved an amendment that with the exception of the section prohibiting manufacture of powder, cartridges and arms, the Act be repealed.

            Mr. Hafiz accepting the amendment said that from time immemorial every community has possessed the right to project itself and maintain a military class. The nation which did not possess a military class could not exist. It was soon conquered and enslaved. India was no ordinary country. It has produced some of the greatest heroes and warriors in history and even at the present day it possessed many warlike tribes. During the present war Indian soldiers have elicited the admiration of the whole world by their conspicuous bravery in the field. Yet in India there is quite a large number of people who had never seen a gun or a sword, and who would be frightened to death by the sound of a gunshot or the glitter of a sabre. Had Indians been trained to the use of arms the present war would have been already over. India wanted to be a worthy asset of the Empire.

            Mr. Lokal Chellaram, who followed, said that the present resolution was indissolubly connected with that of self-government. Indians could not be worthy of self government until they could lay claim to a certain degree of manhood. Indians could not be called men until they were able to guard themselves and their dearest possessions. No nation can be a self respecting nation until its members have the cherished privilege of carrying arms. Milton said “No nation can be nation until it can wield arms” and similarly Lord Roberts”. “A man can not be regarded as fully a citizen until he can defend his home and his liberties”. There was more in the question than the mere right of carrying arms and it was “Are Indians loyal or disloyal”. It seemed that Government had no faith in Indians. Before the war German, now the bitterest foes of England, could keep arms India while loyal Indians could not. In conclusion Mr. Lokomal said: “ I say to you, if you want to be able to rest in peace, to protect the honour of your women, to take India to its goal of liberty, get this Act repealed.”

            The resolution, as amended, was passed.

DISTRIBUTION OF WATER

            Mr. Sahibsing C.Shahani moved. “This Conference is of the opinion that the rules about distribution of water as in force at present on the Jamrao and other similar canals are the cause of serious hardship on the Zamindars and it humbly draws the attention of the Government to that question and prays for the appointment of a committee of officials and non officials to deliberate and report on the question”. Mr. Sahibsing said that the rules had been enforced to the detriment of the Zamindars interests since 1906 though no complaints had been publicly made until now. The present system of supplying water was very defective and caused loss both to the Zamindar as well as the Government.

            Syed Main Abdul Hakim Shah seconded the resolution, which was passed unanimously.

The following resolution was moved from the chair. “This Conference is of the opinion (a) that un surveyed lands which have been shown as belonging to certain persons in original pattas are the property of persons so mentioned; (b) that such original properties should not be prevented from cultivating those lands and all the records concerning the present survey numbers and former plots of agricultural land should be preserved with care; (c) that the attention of Government should be drawn to resolution No. 1836 dated 25^th August 1884 according to which Zamindars are entitled to cultivate land without paying malkana and without being subject to any restrictions; (d) survey numbers which on account of the Fallow rule, have vested in Government should be given back to the Zamindars without any restriction and the Fallow rules abolished”.

            The resolution was passed unanimously.

NEXT CONFERENCE

            Mr. Naraindas moved that the next Sind Provincial Conference be held at Shikarpur. Mr. N. T. Bolakani seconded and the resolution was passed unanimously.

            That concluded the business of the Conference which disappeared after a vote of thanks which was moved in eulogistic terms by Mr. Lalchand Navalrai and seconded by Mr. Jamshed N.R. Mehta.

THIRD SINDH PROVINCIAL

CONFERENCE

HELD AT LARKANA

ON THE 21 APRIL 1916

PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS

OF THE HONOURABLE

Mr. G.M. BHURGRI

THE PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS

Brother Delegates and Gentlemen

It is with no small difference that I have accepted the chair on this august occasion. It is, indeed, a proud privilege to preside over the deliberations of this important assembly, which represents the highest thought and aspiration in this Province. I cannot sufficiently esteem the great honour you have done me and cannot help feeling that worthier shoulders than mine would have better sustained the burden of this great trust. While thanking you, therefore, for your kindness, I would at the same time crave your indulgence and forbearance for y many deficiencies and shortcomings. Of which I am only too painfully conscious. I do not for a moment take my election to the chair as a compliment to any personal merits of mine, which I am humbly aware, are at the best very slender indeed. I would fain have shrunk from this responsible and difficult. If honourable position, but the call of duty was insistent and I have humbly obeyed.

Our first and foremost duty is to give expression to our deep sense of loyalty and allegiance to the Crown. The British Crown is the embodiment of all that is good and great in human rule and is worthy of our deepest fealty and homage. However, I think it entirely superfluous for me a command to your attachment a rule for which no thinking person in India has anything but the profoundest love and devotion. At the present moment when England is engaged in a deadly conflict with the powers of human darkness, she is especially entitled to our loyal support and assistance, which she is happy to know and we are proud to feel, she possesses in boundless measures.

Our next duty is of a melancholy character. It is to express our deep sense of the incalculable loss sustained by India in the death of two of her noblest and greatest sons, Mr. Gokhale and Sir Pherozshah Mehta. Yielding to none in their consuming love for India. They devoted the untiring labours of their valuable lives to the service of their motherland. Their rare capacities their unequalled knowledge, their fearless independence of character, and their inflexible spirit compelled the respect even of those with whom they were brought into conflict. Men of broad minds and large hearts, patriots in the truest and highest sense, they will ever be an example and an inspiration to India’s coming generations.

Theirs was the proud if responsible, role of guide, philosopher and friend to aspiring India a role which they so abundantly fulfilled. Let us earnestly trust that the inspiring influence of their precept and example will ever abide with us, and fortify and sustain us in all our labours and trials in the cause of our country.

Another painful matter before us is to chronicle the profound sorrow of thaw whole people of India at the departure from office of the late Viceroy. Lord Hardinge Gentlemen, the inestimable qualities of Lord Hardinge are too well known and revered throughout the length and breadth of this country to make it necessary for me, much as I might wish it, to add any feeble words of mine in respectful and loving commendation. Lord Hardinge was statesman of the first rank, a statesman of the widest outlook and of the deepest insight, a stamen who won the unbounded esteem and the undying love and gratitude of the people of India by his evalted sense of justice, by his most wise and kind sympathy with the legitimate ideals and aspirations of the Indian people, and by his devoted labours in the cause of India. The bark of the state was committed to his care during high winds and troubled seas such as the world had not known before. But he guided it wisely and well despite the extreme difficulty and gravity of the situation. He handled the situation delicately, gently, yet with the most signal and conspicuous success. Now that he has been taken away from us, let us earnestly trust that his interest in the cause of the country for which be laboured so lovingly will continue, and that India will never cease to enlist his powerful and kindly exertions in her behalf.

This brings us to our next duty which is to extend to his successor, His Excellency the Viceroy Lord Chemls ford a most respectful and cordial welcome to our country. The mantle of Lord Hardinge has fallen on his shoulders, and we are humbly expectant that his governance of India will be characterized by the same qualities that made the frule of his revered predecessor, Lord Hardinge so loved and respected throughout the country.

The one grand theme of universal interest at the present moment is the Great War that is convulsing the entire civilized world. It is a Titanic conflict such as the world has never before seen in all her history dwindling all previous wars by the incomparable magnitude of its scale by the vital importance of the issues raised and by the momentous character of the effects and consequences it with …….. It is a fight of principles of right on the one side and of might on the other. And it is a matter for supreme and just pride to all of us that Britain stands in this conflict as she has ever stood, and we trust, will ever stand, for the cause of right as against the empire of might, for justice as against oppression, for freedom as against tyranny, for exalted principle as against sordid policy for the sanctity of moral obligation as against disregard for the demands of morality, for the inviolability of national integrity as against the destruction of national independence. Our profoundest gratitude is due to all those who have offered their lives or the lives of those they love as a holocaust with such generous abandonment on the altar of their nation’s cause; to all those boble sons who have shed their blood so unstintingly in this national sacrifice, and to all those boble mothers and wives who have borne the pangs of bereavement with so brave a heart. Our faith in the ultimate triumph of our cause is unfaltering, for we know and feel that he is thrice armed that hath his quarrel just. That Province grant success to our arms is the wish and prayer that lie deep in the hearts of every one of us.

The great part India has been called upon and has been able to play in the war is also a matter for honest pride to all her sons. Our soldiers and citizens alike have rallied round the imperial standard and have spontaneously and enthusiastically responded to the call of the Empire in her hour of supreme trial. India has given her blood, her treasure, her resources with ungrudging heart and in unstinted measure. Her grand spirit of heroism and sacrifice has evoked the admiration of even her enemies. She has established her reputation for loyalty and fidelity before the whole world and for all time. I speak in no high spirit of vain glory or proud vein of self complacency. I do not for a moment mean to imply that India has done anything more than her clear duty towards her rulers. I would emphasize the fact that India has only fulfilled the clear demands of allegiance and gratitude to the Crown in doing all she has does for the Empire a crisis. At the same time it must be recognized that she has discharged these difficult if high, obligations not with any bad will or with any bad grace, not in any selfish or calculating spirit, but voluntarily, cheerfully and is interestedly. Let us earnestly trust therefore that if ever there were any doubts of the loyalty of India to the British Crown, those doubts have been completely and forever laid at rest by the present war.

Our goal

Gentlemen, let us come now to our goal, for this cannot be placed before our minds and those of our rulers too often or too insistently. Our clear and definite objective is the attainment by India, by constitutional means, under the aegis of the British Crown a system of self-government which should fulfill the legitimate aspirations of the people. Gentlemen, this is the ideal to which we are immutably committed. And it is an ideal which needs no apology or justification. For self government is on e of the fundamental facts of the physical and moral world. In the words of that great son of India, the Honorable Mr. Surendernath banerji, Self-Government is the order of nature the dispensation of divine Province. India must be master of its own destinies. That is the divine law, and the immutable order of the universe written in every line of universal history written in character by the inserutable hand of divine province. If there is to be a deviation or departure, it must be transitional and transient like the needle of a compass. But always pointing northward, steadily towards the goal which is self-government which ought to be the normal condition of things” and India’s grand old man, Mr. Dadabhai Nowroji also pressed this demand on the attention of our rules when he said than the peasants of Russia are fit for end obtained the Duma from the greatest autocrat in the world, and the leading statesman the Prime Minister of the free British Empire, proclaimed to the world, “The Duma is dead, long live the Duma. “Sarely the fellow citizens of that statesman, and the free citizens of that Empire by birthright and pledged righ5ts, are far more entitled to self-Government, a constitutional representative system, than the peasants of Russia. I do not despair. It is futile to tell me that we must wait till all the people are ready. The British people did not so wait for their parliament. We are not allowed to be fit for 150 years. We can never be fit till we actually undertake the work and the responsibility. While China in the east, and Persia in the West, of Asia are awakening, and Japan has already awakened and Russia is struggling for emancipation- and all of them despotisms- can the free citizens of the British Indian Empire continue to remain subject to despotism- the people who are among the first civilizers of the human race? Are the deseendants of the carliest civilizers to remain, in the present times of spreading emancipation, under the barbarous system of despotism, unworthy of British instinets, principles and civilizations”?

This ideal, gentlemen, has had the sanction of the British Government from the earliest days of her rule and the approval of the most eminent state men all ties. No less a statesman that the late viceroy, Lord Hardinge, impressed this ideal on the attention of his countrymen in India in words of sagest counsel to the present and future generations of English rules in India, and of stimulating encouragement to the people of this country. The words have echoes and re-echoed times without number but they are words which can still bear repetition. The words have been enclosed and re-echoed times without number but they are words which can still bear repetition. These are the words he spoke and I would comment them to your earnest attention. “England has instilled to this country the culture and civilization of the west with all its ideals of liberty and self-respect. It is not enough for her now to consider only the material outlook of India. It is necessary for her to cherish the aspirations, of which she has herself sown the seed, and English official s are gradually awakening to the fact that, high as were the aims and remarkable the achievements of their predecessors, a still nobler task lies before them in the present and the future in guiding the uncertain and faltering steps of Indian development along sure and safe paths. The new role of guide, philosopher and friend is opening before you and it is worthy of your greatest efforts. It requires in you gifts of imagination and sympathy, and imposes upon you self-sacrifice, for it means that slowly but surely you must diverts yourselves of some of the power you have hitherto wielded. Let it be realized that great as has been England’s mission in the past, she has a far more glorious task to fulfill in the future. In encouraging and guiding the political self-development of the people.” And, again in his convocation Speech, his Lordship observed that it must be recognized that India cannot and will be not remain stationary, and that it is the task of the imperial Government to guide her development and to help her to at tain her just and legitimate aspirations.” Let us therefore, earnestly trust that British statesmanship will rise to the full height of its high responsibilities, and grant India what she has every right to expect at her hands.

It must not be supposed that, in making this demand, India is for a moment unmindful of her incalculable debt to England. No India is profoundly sensible of, and deeply grateful for, all that British rule has done for her, and has definitely and cheerfully accepted British Supremacy as the basis of her political evolution. But, at the same time, India feels that she is entitled to remind England that her greases good is still to come a good that is hers as much by right as by promise.

As much as to England’s duty by India. That India is fast realizing her duty to herself is clear from the growing spirit of inter-communal amity which she is doing her best to foster. And this brings me to the question of Hindu and Mahomedan relations.

HINDU AND MAHOMEDAN RELATIONS

One of the encouraging signs of the times is the increasing rapprochement between the two great communities in India, the Hindu and the Mahomedan. This is full of promise endures. That union is strength is indeed a truism, but it is a truism of such infinite value that it can never be sufficiently emphasized espeicallywhen counsels of separation threaten to prevail. It is in the cordial and whole-hearted co-operation between the various communities in India, in the subordination of communal interest to the national cause. And in the sinking of sectarian differences in a common Endeavour to promote the general good, that India’s salvation clearly lies. In this connection, it may not be out-of-place to refer to the open entente between the Indian national congress and the All-India Muslim League, which was long the pious wish of all true lovers of India, but which is now an accomplished fact. This is a very significant indication of the change for the better in the mutual relations of the two leading communities in India. Which was long foreshadowed by the advance of education and the increasing opportunities of mutual knowledge and contact. This union implies a common recognition of the fact that the time has come when the people of India must no longer be divided into hostile camps but must join hands and devote their concerted efforts to a common cause. Even in Sind, where racial differences were so pronounced in the past, there are observable pleasing indications of an increasing mutual understanding and good will between the various communities. This various communities. This very conference, in which Hindus and Mahomedans have met as members of one household for the promotion of its common interest, is a convincing proof of that inters communal good feeling that is the happiest augury for the future of this Province. And that a still closer union be yet affected is a consummation devoutly to be wished, and towards which it behaves every one who has the interests of this Province at heart to help to the full extent of his power.

While I am upon this subject, it may not be amiss to advert to the regrettable episode connected with the last session of the All-India Muslim League held in Bombay last year. I refer to the incident that led to the break-up of that meeting, and to the part alleged to have been played by the Police, particularly the Police Commissioner of Bombay, in the affair. The importance of the incident can scarely be exaggerated. It has exercised the minds of the whole thinking public of India, and has stirred the feelings of the people, particularly of the Mussalmans, to their very depths. Opinion, and feeling on the subject have found expression in almost every quarter. The press, representative of Indian opinion, has, voiced the people’s feelings in the matter in no uncertain accents, and seldom have the people at large been so affected by a single incidenet as by the incident in question.

Here was a meeting being held that was lawful in every sense of the word. A lawful assembly had met in a lawful manner for a lawful purpose. Clearly it was entitled to hold that meeting without any unlawful disturbance. The Police were in attendance in pursuance of their duty to maintain peace and order. The head of the Bombay Police and the head of the Presidency Magistracy were also on the scene. Yet the elements of disorder deliberately break loose, interrupt the proceedings and finally compel the assembly to dissolve its meeting. Clearly this was an occasion that called for the immediate action of the Police. That action was actually invoked, but was flatly denied.

This incident, you will see, clearly raises an important question of constitution. Indeed, the question transcends the bounds of purely communal politics, and is one of national moment. Hence the imperative necessity for a thorough and impartial enquiry into the matter by Government. That enquiry has been demanded by the general voice of public opinion in India, but I extremely regret that it has not yet been granted. The regret is all the greater as it is the reputation of Government that is undeservedly suffering. Let us, therefore, earnestly trust that enquiry will no long be withheld.

REFORM OF COUNCILS

I come now to the much-needed reform of the Legislative Councils. The Reform Scheme inaugurated by Lord Minto and Morley has worked very satisfactorily since its introduction. The time, I think, has come when the umber of Indians in the Executive Council should be increased. At present, we have only a nominal, and entirely ineffectual, representation in that important council, and I think it is time that a more real and substantial participation in the work of Government were granted to Indians. Again, I think we should press for an elected majority in Council instead of the present nominated majority. For a nominated Indian is virtually an official, an official in effect if not in name. At least, he is so to the people, whether be so in actual fact or not. To the public mind, he is generally identified with the official camp, and can never command the confidence of the people in anything like the same degree as an elected member. Hence it is idle to pretend that nominated members are, or can ever be, to the people what its own chosen representatives are, who are men of its own express selection, as against nominated members, who may not be, and often are not, men quite after its heart.

Another suggestion I should like to make is with regard to Resolutions. The most important right created by the Minto-Morley Reform Scheme was that which enabled the non-official members of the Legislative Councils to move resolutions on matters of public interest. Unfortunately, however, this right is able to be rendered quite nugatory by the absolute and unqualified powers of veto vested in His Excellency the President. Hence what is given by one hand is withdraw able by the other without any restriction whatever, such has actually been the case whenever resolutions that, for some reason or other, did not find favour with Government were sought to be moved by non-official members. Such dictatorial power practically renders the right in fructuous. I, therefore, think that if the right granted is to be of any use, the power to control its exercise must be subject to some condition or qualification.

Again, the resolutions themselves, when passed by the council are at present only allowed the force of recommendations, and stop short indecisions. This leaves Government free to give effect totem or not, just as it may choose to decide, and robs resolutions of their main value. I would therefore, submit that. If resolutions are to be of any practical worth, decisive effect should attach to them.

SEPARATION OF EXECUTIVE AND JUDICIAL FUNCTIONS.

One of the most important matters for reform is the time-honoured combination of judicial and executive functions in one officer of Government. The subject is as old as the time of Lord Cornwallis, Governor-General of India, when attention was first called to the importance and urgency of this much needed reform. The system which allows the same officer of Government to collect the revenue, to control the police to institute prosecutions and , at the same time, to exercise large judicial powers has been condemned not only by the general voice of public opinion in India but also by some of the highest officers of Government and some of the greatest judicial authorities in this country, it has been perhaps, the most insistent subject of complaint and representation to Government by the Indian Press and by representative public bodies and individuals throughout a long series of year. It formed part of the subject matter of the famous memorial addressed to the secretary of State for India. The very names of the signatories to this memorial are such as spell unquestionable. They are:- The Right Honourable Lord Hothouse )late Legal member of the Viceroy’s Council, Member of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council), the Right Honorable Sir Richard Garth (late Chief Justice of Bengal), the Right Honorable Sir Richard Couch (late Chief Justice of Bengal, Member of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council), sir Charles Sergeant (late judge of the high court, Calcutta), Sir John Phear (late judge of the high court, Calcutta, and chief justice of Ceylon), Sir John Scott (late judge of the high court Bombay), Sir William Wedderburn (late Reader in Indian law at the University of Cambridge) and Mr. Herbert Reynolds (late member of the Bengal legislative council), surely, gentlemen these are names to conjure with and they impress a hall-mark, so to speak, on this scheme of reform. The memorial itself is most instructive reading. It shows that from the earliest them the Government of India have clearly recognized the evil of combination of functions, and have frankly approved the principle of separation. It would take me too long to place before youth opinions of all the high officers of government who have form time to time expressed themselves on this subject. But one passage may be quoted with advantage. Thus Sir Frederic Halliday (sometime Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal and member of the Council of the Secretary of State) said: - “The evil which this system produces is twofold; it affects the fair distribution of justice, and it impairs, at the same time, the efficiency of the Police. The union o f Magistrate with Collector has been stigmatized as incompatible, but the junction of thief-catcher with Judge Issue relies more anomalous in theory, and more mischievous in practice. So long as it lasts, the public confidence in our criminal tribunals must always be liable to injury, and the authority itself must often be a used and misapplied.

The memorial then summaries the arguments for the proposed reform. I could not do better than to quote its very language. The objectifies to the present system, the Memorial recites, are (1) that the combination of judicial with executive duties in the same officer violates the first principles of equity, (2) that while a judicial officer ought to be thoroughly impartial, and approach the consideration of any case without previous knowledge of the facts, an executive officer does not adequately discharge his duties unless his cars are open to all reports and information which he can in any degree employee for the benefit of his District, (3) that executive officers in India, being responsible for a large amount of miscellaneous business, have not time satisfactorily to dispose of judicial work in addition. (4) that, being keenly interested in carrying out particular measures they are apt to be brought more or less into conflict with individuals, and therefore, it is inexpedient that they should also be invested with judicial powers, (5) that under the existing system, Collector- Magistrates do in fact neglect judicial for executive work, (6) that appeals from revenue assessments are apt to be futile when they are heard be revenue officers, (7) that great inconvenience, expense and suffering are imposed upon suitors required to follow the camp of a judicial officer who, in the discharge of his executive duties, is making a tour of his District, and (8) that the existing system not only involves all whom it concerns in hardship and inconvenience but also, buy associating the judicial tribunal with the work of the police and of detectives, ad by diminishing the safeguards afforded by the rules of evidence, produces actual miscarriages of justice and creates although justice be done, opportunities of suspicion, distrust and discontent which are equally to be deplored.” The memorial appends summaries of various cases which illustrate in a striking way some of the damagers that arise from the present system, and then makes the following instructive observations. “These cases of themselves might well remove the necessity of argument a priori against the combinations theory. But the present system is not merely objectionable on the ground that, so long as it exists, the general administration of justice is subjected to suspicion and the strength and authority of the Government are seriously impaired. For this reason it is submitted that nothing short of complete separation of judicial form executive functions by legislation will remove the danger. Something, perhaps. Might e accomplished by purely executive measures. But such palliatives fall short of the only complete an satisfactory remedy, which is, by means of legislation, to make a clear line of division between the judicial and the executive duties now often combined in one an the same officer.”

This reform has received repeated endorsement from the highest quarters. Thus Lord Cross, secretary of State for India in council, refereed to the proposed separation of functions as “an excellent plan which would result in vast good to the Government of India, Lord Kimberley, a later Secretary of State, also approved the proposed reform. Finally, Lord Duffer in, Viceroy of India. Characterized the proposal for separation put forward by Indian opinion.

I trust I have sufficiently shown that the present system is vicious both in theory and in practice. In theory it offends against the most fundamental principle of justice, the principle which demands that the judge of any matter shall not be one who has any previous knowledge regarding it, or any interest in its adjudication in any particular way. In practice, the system has proved itself to be absolutely incompatible with the proper administration of justice. The mind of man being constituted as it is, it is almost impossible for an official to prevent knowledge or interest acquired by him when acting in one capacity from influencing him, when he is acting in another. And even if this were possible, the public conviction of its impossibility would still be there to reckon with. And herein has the inherent and inevitable vice of the system. Hence I mean no reflection on the officers of Government who conscientiously Endeavour to discharge the conflicting duties developing upon them in the best way possible. The fault, I re-iterate, lies in the system, not in the men.

The traditional objections that have been urged against any departure from the present system are mainly two. It is either contended that the

Removal aft judicial powers farm an executive officer would impair his authority and prestige, thus detracting farms his executive efficiency,

Is that the proposed separation of the two? Functions would entail an increased expenditure, which is prohibitive in the present condition of Indian finances. The first contention is sufficiently met by the fact that the authority of executive officer is adequately protected by the powers he otherwise possesses. There is the Revenue Cadre which vests him with powers by which he can make his authority respected and feared throughout his District. Hence his authority does not need any support in the shape of judicial power. It is not as if the prestige of an officer necessarily depends a possession of judicial power. For, if this were so, we should expect the prestige of His Excellency the Viceroy Nat only to suffer by comparison with that of a District are Sessions Judges, but even to be in serious jeopardy. Besides, the reform in question does not propose to do away with judicial, power's altogether, but only to sever the judicial function from the executive, and to vest them in separate officers. The present judicial powers, therefore, will be maintained in toot, but only their devolution will change.

This objection is, therefore, clearly untenable. It has 'never even been seriously, or at least openly, urged by any responsible officer of Government, however much it any underlie, as it is, rightly lor wrongly, believed to underlie, the attitude of Government towards this question.

The other objection urged is equally unsustainable. It has been repeatedly demonstrated that this reform need notaccasion any increase of expenditure; that, even if it did, the additional expenditure could be met by a judicious diversion of the State revenues farm other purposes; and that, even if this were 'not acceptable, the caddied expense would be cheerfully barne by the people. But, even if the above

Objections had any force or substance inihem, which they have not; it still behaves a Government that stands for justice to. Subardinate what "¬are after all comparatively petty considerations to the clear and force or substance in them, which they have nat, it still behaves a

Government that stands far justice to subordinate what are after all comparatively petty considerations to. The clear' an admitted demands of right and fairness. If the present system is an evil, and a great evil, as it’s admitted to. Be an all hands, then it must be remedied, whatever be the cost or consequences entailed. For it is a question that is obviously momentous both in its scope and its effects, for it affects, and very gravely affects millions of men in their very liberties.

It is some satisfaction to. Knaw that the reform in question has already reached the stage ofpramise. For, a few years ago, Sir Harvey Adamsan, speaking in the Vuceregal Council, salemnly promised that, an experiment would be made. That premise, I regret has not yet fructified, and we owe it to ourselves to. Press with might and main far its performance. Government has charged itself with a clear duty in 'this matter and ours is bathed the right and thy duty to. See to the fulfillment of this obligation by Government.

COMMISSIONS IN THE ARMY &c., &C.

Yet another direction in which, I think, reform has been long delayed, is that of the grant to. Indians of Commissians in the army, the grant of

Arms and the admission of Indians to volunteering. These have been long the hope and prayer after people of India, and I earnestly trust that England will no. Langer demurs to granting them. The present disabilities in these directions are bath inequitable and invidious. For has not India deserved well enough of England to receive better treatment than this at her hands? Has India nat earned England's trust abundantly? Besides trust begets trust, and it is therefore, to be fervently happed that England will realize both the unfairness and the Unisom of her

Policy in this direction.

COMMISSIONER=IN-SINDH'S ACT

I now came nearer home, and propose to. Survey our Provincial situation. Here we have a Commissioner-in-Sindh who, by virtue of the Commissioner-in-Sand's Act (Act V of 1868), practically constitutes the Local Government of the province. That Act enacts that¬

"1. It shall be lawful for the Governor a f Bombay in Council, by a notification published in the Bombay Government Gazette, to delegate to the Commissioner-in-Sindh all or any of theaters conferred on the said governor in Council, as the Local Government of the province of Sindh, by any of the Bombay Regulations, or by any Act of the Governor-General of India in Council solely applicable to the presidency of Bombay or by any Act passed heretofore or hereafter by the Governor of Bombay in Council, or by any of the Acts of the Governor¬

General in Council in the schedule to this act. '

2. It shall be lawful far the Governor of Bombay in Council, with the consent of the Govern~-General in Council, to. Delegate to the Commissioner-in-Sindh all or any of the pawers heretofore are hereafter conferred by any Act of the Governor-General in Council are the

Governor of Bombay in Councilor the local government of the province of Sindh.

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3. All Acts dane by the C6mmissioner~in-Sindh under the authority of any power so, delegated shall be as valid as if they had been done by the Governor of Bombay in council."

This wide delegation of power makes the Commissioner-in-Sindh, without a council, supreme and sole arbiter in many matters that in anther parts of the presidency are decided by the Governor of Bombay in council, and often places the decision of questions of the first magnitude and importance in his sale hands. It entails all the evils of absolute authority, and freedom farm control which are inherent in every farm of autocracy. It is one man's rule, instead after rule by council, which the other parts after presidency enjoy. This is the root defect of

The administration of the province, and our interests '

Demand that Sindh be placed in the same position in this respect as the other part of the presidency. The Act was passed as long ago an s 1868, and, no. doubt awed its argon to. The primitive and undeveloped state of the province at ate time, which necessarily called for the

Existence of large and absolute powers within the province itself. By with the passage of time and the great progress and development of Sindh since them, these powers have entirely last their justification, and Cali far repeal.

Hence it is clear that we can no. longer remain, in this position. There are, it appears to. Me, two obvious courses open to us, either to demand a

. Repeal of this Act, are to demand that Send, go with the Punjab and be under a Governor in council. I need scarcely say that, in making this

Suggestion, I mean not the slightest reflection and the eminent officers who. Have filled this office with such credit to themselves and to

I

Government. I have nothing but the deepest respect and regard for their high qualities and character, and my suggestion is nat the least

Detraction farms their acknowledged merits. It is the system that is objectionable.

THE POLICE

I now come to the Police question in Sindh, while constitutes a sore grievance of the people of this Province. This subject is inseparably connected with that of the separation of the judicial and executive functions and its very solution ultimately depends on the solution of that question. For, if a complete severance is once affected between the executive and the judicial functions, the Police are a power in the land. It is to be regretted, however, that their do not always use their authority wisely or well. The influence they are able to wield in the department of justice is formidable to a degree, but it is to be deplored that influence is not always of beneficent character. But what is to be most regretted is that even the Magistracy of the Province is not beyond their potent is way use their authority wisely or well. The influence they are able to wield in the department of justice is formidable to a degree, but it is to be deplored that influence is not always of beneficent character. This is due to the fact an officer who controls the Police also controls the Magistracy. The Magistracy aim cases sent up by the Police is a matter of common knowledge, and constitutes the greatest hardship and grievance connected with the administration of justice in this Province. As justice is or ought to be, the paramount consideration for a state the judiciary oath to be placed above, and altogether beyond, the Executive. For, only by the executive by the being kept in its proper place can that freedom of hand be secured to the judiciary which is an essential condition of its proper working. The present situation in Sindh is almost tantamount to a rule of the Police, and it does not need much knowledge or experience of this Province to know that that rule is mighty, and sometimes a terrible, rule. The Police have it practically in their power to make or mar a man. And the pity is that the man they make is not always, or even generally, a good man, and that the man they mar is not always, or even generally, a bad man. The man that is willing to play into their hands, without the reservation that conscience might be impose, is the object f their powerful favor and patronage. On the other hand, the man whose principle prevents him from lending him to their designs exposes himself to their dangerous hatred and oppression. They are charged with the important duties of preventing and detecting crime. Those duties can be conscientiously fulfilled only by the due exercise of vigilance and industry. But this course is too arduous for them. Case" loving subordinates of the Police Department. A much simpler and easier method is a t hand in the provisions of the preventive law, embodies\d in Chapter VIII of the Criminal Procedure Code. With the wanton abuse of this branch of the law by the Sindh Police I shall deal later. Then there is the domain of confession in which they generally playa sinister part. Every conceivable form of pressure that human.

Ingenuity or cruelty can suggest is brought to bear on supposed offenders for the purpose of ~extorting confessions. No doubt, confessions made to the police under any circumstances are inadmissible in evidence. But confessions made to private persons or to Magistrates are so admissible. And here is a field for Police oppression which that body never neglects. Resort to pressure soon impresses their victims with the advantages of confessing. Pain, or the fear of it, compels such confessions. And these are what are afterwards made to masquerade as voluntary confessions. Similar methods are also resorted to in the plausible restorations of property by supposed offenders that the Police

Sometimes fake. The cases that ~occasionally come to light vividly bring home to one the withering sway wielded by the all powerful Police in Sindh. Even Seminar of position and respectability are the victims of their oppression. And these instances are certainly too isolated occurrences by any means. They are only a few out of a very large number of similar cases, which are never brought or come to the notice of the authorities. Verily, their name is go ion, but it is seldom that the aggrieved parties have the hardihood of jeopardizing their interests by complaint to the authorities; a course which they know only too well will earn them the odium of the Police’ which is a terrible thing to them. But sheer desperation now and again drive s these Zemindar to throw all prudence to the winds and to bring their grievances to the notice of responsible officers of Governments. And the very fact that Zemindar of Sindh who are remarkable, if for nothing else, at least for their docility, patience and submissiveness- qualities they possess even to a fault should be goaded on to a course which they well know is full of peril is proof abundant and eloquent 0 the extent of the oppression practiced by the Police in Sindh. The reign of terror instituted by the Police in this province has no clearer index and no more powerful commentary that such occasionally desperate action on the part of their victims.

It will thus be seen that the present activities of the Sindh Police area regrettable diversion of their attention and energy from their legitimate and' necessary duties, which are the real prevention and detection of crime, to a plausible make-believe of such activity, such as has been referred to above. The deplorable result of this misdirection of effort on their apart has been that crime, especially serious crime, has not received the attention it deserves at their hands.

AMENDMENT OF THE CRIMNAL PROCEDURE CODE

As the Bill to amend the Criminal Procedure Code is on the legislative anvil, I might venture to offer a few suggestions in regard to the more important provisions dfthe Bill. Much the most important matter for amendment is Chapter VIII of the Code, particularly Section 110. It is a matter of notoriety that the provisions of this, section are being abused in Sindh, and that there is a general outer against the oppressive working of this branch of the law in this Province. It is, unfortunately, a handy and powerful weapon of oppression in the hands of the Police and of all unscrupulous persons generally. As matters stand at present, there is nothing to prevent any ill-disposed person from ruining the object of his aversion by putting into operation the terrible and easily' worked provisions of this section. The police, through a mistaken sense of duty and misdirected zeal, are only too ready to play into the hands of every unprincipled person who has a bone to pick with his fellow or a grudge to repay. The result is that innocent persons are being damned every day by the machinations of their private enemies, who make common cause with Police, or y the activities of the 'Police themselves, who press into service every private means, whether fair or foul, to comtfa.ss the ruin of those who. Have had the misfortune to incur their disfavor. Things have gone so far that pressure is brought to bear even on respectable persons to damn men not only to whose discredit they know nothing, but of whose unimpeachable character they are fully persuaded. Instances of such oppression are innumerable, and are mutinying daily.

Now, unless earth blanche is to be given to the gratification of private malice or to Police oppression than which nothing could have been further form the intention or desire of the Legislature- something needs to be done very urgently in the mater. If the whole section is not to be abolished altogether- which, in my humble opinion, is much the best things that could be done, as it does on the whole more harm Than good to the people-let it at least be so fended in by proper safeguards and restrictions as to ensure its working for the well-being of the people, and not to’ their harassment, as is unfortunately the case-at present. The state of things is painful and even alarming to a degree and. the need of reform 'is imperative. . .

Some time ago, an official enquiry had been institute by Government into the working of this branch of the law in send. On that occasion, the public at large were not consulted in any way. I had therefore taken the opportunity of placing some material of facts, opinions and suggestions on the subject before the public and representative bodies and persons, with a view to a final representation on the matter to Government. That representation was postponed till the completion of the Government enquiry. But as we are yet, and will probably continue to be, in the dark as to the results of that enquire, the public representation in this important matte should no 'longer be delayed.

It will be convenient to refer here to the Law of Confession, though strictly, it does not form a substantive part of the Procedure Code. This branch of the law too works, in actual proactive, under the best conditions, more harm than good, and I would therefore make bold to advocate its repeal in toto. There can never be, I will n to say absolute, but even marl, certainty of the voluntary character foamy confession owing to the fact that the accused are generally in the custody, and under the influence, of the Police prior to the confessions. And every reasonable inference, that inherent probability and practical experience suggest is against the voluntaries of confessions in general. For this reason, confessions do not deserve any evidentiary value being attached to them, and might well be excluded 'form the law altogether.

Then there are several provisions of the Bill which propose to extend the already wide powers of the police in matters of procedure. My emphatic, if respectful, opinion is that these powers are wide enough in all conscience, in fact much too wide to be safe, and it behoves us to resist tooth and nail any proposal to still further enlarge those powers. For, human nature began what it is, large and all but irresponsible power is peculiarly liable to be abused, and power is only likely to be well used when duly restricted a controlled. And bitter experience has taught us how long a powerful the arm of the Police can be even today.

I am quite aware that some of the measures I have above ventured to suggest are somewhat heroic in character. But I feel, and strongly, that nothing short of such drastic remedies will cure evils for which palliatives can do but little.

PUBLIC SERVICE

The public service is another department in which I feel Sindh has a grievance. The Report of the Royal Public Service Commission is not yet out, and we therefore do not yet know what recommendations have been or will be made, and how their will affect Sindh. Let us, however, earnestly trust that when the Report does come out, it does not prove disappointing to the legitimate claims and aspirations of the people in this direction. Meanwhile, however, I may venture to suggest, with regard to tis province, that certain high appointments, such as those of collector, district judge, district superintendent of Police, etc. which are at present open to Indians in the Presidency, be thrown to Indians in this Province as well. For, in point of competency, Sindh does not, I think, compare unfavorably with the Presidency, and place that can be satisfactorily filled by the people of the Presidency can, I feel, be done justice to by the people of this Province as well. I would also urge that at lest one seat on the Court of the Judicial Commissioner in Sindh be allotted to the Provincial Bar, which. I am sure contains many men who could fill such a place with credit.

DECENNIAL SYSTEM OF SETTLEMENT

Perhaps the most important department of State activity is 'the Land Revenue administration. On the one hand, it constitutes Government's principal source of income, and, on the other, it affects the vast majority of the population. The most important matter for consideration in this branch of administration in Sindh is the term of settlement obtaining hirer. In this matter as in so many others, Sindh is dealt with in a measure different from that of the rest of India. For, whereas the rest of India enjoys either a permanent settlement or a settlement of 60 or 30 or 20 years- the last being the least period obtaining elsewhere- this Province is asked to be content with accordingly elsewhere- this Province is asked to be content a niggardly period of 10 years. Now the history of the decennial system of settlement in Sindh clearly shows that, originally, it was a provisional and experimental measure, adapted to the then primitive conditions: though it is remarkable that, even in those really days, the then highest opinion-that of the Commissioner-in-Sindh, the Governor of Bombay, and the Secretary of State for India - was in favor of an extended period. However, whatever justification there may have been for a short period at that early tie, there is no warrant whatever for the maintenance oath period in the present conditions. It has been repeatedly and conclusively shown that there is every reason, whether a priori or a posteriori, whether of experience, economy, justice or policy, against the short period, and every possible reason for a longer period. The resins advanced in support of the present term of settlement by the Government of India and by responsible officers of Government have been so often shown to be quite void of substance or force. On the other hands, the reasons against the present period have been proved to the hit both in theory and in practice. The stability of present conditions, warranting long settlement, the adverse effect of a short settlement on the value and on the improvement of the land. The speedier enhancements- for revisions are almost synonymous with enhancements-it brings in its train, and the countless other hardships and discouragements it entails on the Zemindar have been demonstrated by actual experience. It Was for Government to make out their case for an admitted exception. This type has failed to do; while, on the other hand, the people have succeeded in proving the applicability of the rule. Though the attitude of Government, therefore, in regard to this question has not been very encouraging in the past, it was some satisfaction to the people to know that the matter was finally to come before a Commission. That Commission has now completed its enquiry, and we are anxiously awaiting its Report, which 1 think, is overdue. And let us earnestly trust that that Report will not prove a disappointment to the people of Sindh, who has every reason to expect a recommendation for a longer period-30 years at the very least-in view of the vast mass of competent a responsible opinion in favor of an extended settlement.

REMISSIONS

Next in importance to the question of the term of settlement 'in Sindh are the subject permissions. Remissions are a necessity born of the seasonal vagaries. The demands of Government are fixed and rigid, while agricultural conditions are as variable and indeterminate. Hence the call for remissions, which are abatements of the claims of Government, intended to afford relief Zemindar in seasons of agricultural depression. Remissions are, therefore, unquestionably a most equitable and benevolent idea. It is, however, a matter for deep regret that in practice they almost entirely fail of their just and kind purpose. The rules regarding remissions are open to the gravest exception, both in respect of their design and their manner of working. On the merits of the rules it is not possible for me to comment at any length, as by far The larger number of the are objectionable, and often on more than one ground. I shall therefore leave their fuller discussion to the mover of the resolution on the subject. One rul3e, however, I think, calls for special criticism. It is the rule that bass the claim for remissions on a certain proportion-less than-2: 1- between the value of the produce and the amount of assessment. But this value must in all fairness be the net value of the Seminar produce, and not its gross value, which is subject to considerable reduction by reason of the haris share, the expenses of cultivation, clearance, etc, and the other multitudinous drains on the Seminar's finances in the shape of illicit exactions on the part of subordinates of the Revenue and irrigational Departments. These various charges are in much case known to reduce the net value of the Seminar's share almost to zero. But in any case the net value falls considerably short of the gross. I would therefore suggest that the net value of the produce. Which is the real value, and not the gross value, which is a fictitious value, be the baris's ofca\culation for remissions. Further, one ratio cannot properly be at once applicable to both flow and lift land, owing to the difference in the basis share of the produce in the two species of land the haris. Share being more in lift that in flow. All these considerations lead me to my final suggestion in this connection, which is, that the proportion between the net value of the produce and the amount of assessment, entitling the Seminar to remi9ssion be fixed at less than3: I in the case of flow and at less than 4:4 in the case of lift. Only then will something be left in bad seasons to the Zemindar, who at present gets next to nothing in most cases, and nothing at all in some.

Coming now to the modus operand of the Rules, I find that certain obvious comments suggest themselves. To begin with, the work of remissions is so heavy that it knees the entire energies of at least one officer for it proper execution. At present this work is generally tacked on to the other multifarious duties of an already overburdened officer, the Mukhtyarkar. The other and more important calls on the time and attention of this officer leave him very little opportunity to attend to this important work. Besides, the work, if it is to be done at ai, must be done within a certain time- the harvesting season. The crops are not going to wait on the convenience of the Mukhtyarkar. They must either be reaped at once- and reaping means the forfeiture of remission- the or the Zemindar must submit to the results of delay, which are nothing short of ruin. For this reason, it is absolutely necessary that certain times should be fixed for the imprecation of the crops inn various places, and, if the inspection is not done within those times, permission t reap should be allowed to be presumed by the Zemindar. It is idle for Government to contend that, owing to the wide variation of the times at which crops come to maturity in differ places or the same crops in different seasons, it is not possible to fix any time for the inspections. For, different times could easily be fixed in different places after due enquiry, and a sufficient margin could be left for variations of maturity in one place in different seasons. This would, of course, entail the enter e labor of a Full-time officer. And my suggestion is that either the Mukhtyarkar should be relieved of his other duties during the important time of remissions, or that a separate officer of sufficient competence and strength of mind should be appointed for this work. In the same connection, I would suggest that ascertain times hold be' fixed for the disposal of applications for remission, and it should be provided that, if applications are not disposed of within that item, they should be presumed, to have been granted, on the analogy of certain provisions to the smile effect in the land revenue code and the Municipal Act. Another suggestion I would make is that, in a general failure of crops, inspection, should be dispensed with~ For such general failure entails a very large number of applications for remissions, and detailed and careful enquiry into such multitude of cases are not at all practicable or satisfactory. Again, the existing system of danabandi, or assessment of the crop, needs overhauling. At present. It is the merest travesty of appraisement. The 2 " Amins" who are taken by the Mukhtyarkar to assist in the assessment assist that offll:er only with their silence. They are either too invertebrate, or, perhaps, too wise in their generation to dissent. The result 15th an utmost crops are improperly assessed and the error, we any be sure, is rarely on the side of the Zemindar.

I think it is also necessary for me to refer to the regrettable attitude occccasionaly taken by the higher officials in regard to remission work. Liberal recommendations have been know to rise suspicious regarding the integrity of the officer's liberality. The deplorable result is vernal demoralization. For, if honest work by subordinates is to beget, the distrust of their superiors merely by reason of this result being unfavorable to Government there must soon be an end of all such hazardous integrity. This lamentable tendency, which has in the past resulted the breaking of a few Mukhtyarkars, has had its natural effect on all officers who have been subsequently entrusted with this responsible work.

Finally, in view of the fact that the assessment inn Sindh is demonstrably a high one, I think that people have every right to expect a more liberal grant of remissions that has hitherto been the case. So far, remissions have only been keeping the word of promise to the err and breaking it to the hope.

It is some satisfaction for the people to know that these rules are at present under the consideration of Government. However, they cannot but regret that they have not at all been consulted in the matter so far, and I therefore hope that Government will not any longer abstain from taking full and free counsel with the people to eb affected by the rules.

FALLOW RULES

Fallow Rules are yet another matter connected with the land revenue administration that urgently calls for reform. In an addition to being indefensible in principle. They are mischievous in practice. They are a clear violation of the proprietary rights of the Zemindar in his land of which he cannot properly be divested under any circumstances. Hence the resumption of this right by the State is absolutely unwarranted. This proprietary right of the landowner in the soul was clearly re cognized by the old officers of government, and was even acknowledged by the Government of India. In their Resolution No. 2280, dated the 30th March 1874, the Supreme Government, in Sindh distinctly stated that they left the nature of the settlement to the decision of the Bombay Government, provided due regard was paid to the proprietary rights of the people in the soul. His Excellency the governor-General then observed that "he had little doubt but that proprietary rights of the people in ihe soul do crist throughout that province and that it only requires the application of knowledge and experience of the subject to develop and record the,." But unfortunately that Bombay Government overlooked or overrode the orders of the Supreme Government in this connection, and disregarded the proprietary rights of the Zemindar. This matter was represented to Government at the time, but the whole question was closed by Bombay Government Resolution No. 1836, dated the e25th August 1884 which in intruding the temporary Settlement, held out the assurance that (1) Zemindar would always have at their dispersal all their waste, land without being charged anything, and (2) that Fallow Rules which charged assessment on time-expired fallow numbers ad resumed land in default would be done away with.

A year or two after the question of the Seminar's proprietary rights in the soil was settled in this manner, the temporary settlement was converted into an irrigational one, and the Fallow Rules were introduced in clear breach of the above assurance on the strength on which the question of proprietary rights had been dropped. It is, perhaps, futile to revive that question now, but I think we are in justice entitled to hold Government to the solemn pledge given tat that time with regard to the abolition of the Fallow Rules, particularly Rule 4, and this irrespective of the merits or demerits of the Rules.

To come now to the merits of Rules 4 of the Fallow Rules which is the principal rule, I shall first take the case for the Rule. The reasons advanced in its support are (I) that the assessment is fixed on the assumption that a holding will be cultivated entire once in every 5 years and that, if the whole land is not brought under cultivation during that period, Government loses in assessment, and must make up the loss be charging assessment on that time-expected fallow numbers: (2) that it acts as a stimulus to the Zemindar, who is compelled to bring his whole land under cultivation at least once in 5 years on pain of its being forfeited or being charged fallow assessment, and (3) that is a cheek on the tendency of Zemindar to take up more land that they are able or willing t cultivate.

Now a little examination will show that these reasons are untenable. In the first place, Government receives not only the deficit of the full assessment, but unduly obtains a great de a] more as fallow assessment through there. Be no deficit at a]l. For Government charges assessment on time-expired fallow number even when the total area cultivated in the 5 years is equal to, or more than; the entire holding. For example, a Zemindar holding 1000 acres will in 5 years have paid the full assessment of his entire holding by cultivating 200 acres a year. But the effect of the present rule is that, even if the Zemindar in this case were to cultivate as much as 400 or 600 acres a year and thus pay Government in 5 years double or treble the full assessment, but were to fail to cultivate during the period any particular portion of is land, say about 100 acres. He would still be charge fallow assessment on those 100 acres. Surely, this is a most unfair exaction on uncultivated land, and I do not think that it was ever the intention of Government that the rule should have this effect. But that it does have this effect in the vast majority of cases is a demonstrable fact. Secondly the stimulus to energy, which, it appears. This rule is intended to be is, I think a stimulus with a vengeance a stimulus so strong that it paralyzes rather, that stimulates. Besides, why is any artificial stimulus necessary? Is not self interest by itself much the most powerful stimulus known to human nature?' It is altogether fatuous to suppose that any Zemindar would fail to cultivate as much of his land as he possibly could if he could do so with advantage. If he leaves any survey numbers uncultivated for some time, we may be sure that he has the best reasons in the world for doing so, all at government should I think desire is that the Zemindar should cultivate a particular portion, say of his holding, every year. This most Zemindar can do, and actually do in point of fact. But I entirely fail to see why they should be compelled, on pain of fine or forfeiture, to cultivate even those portions of their land which they have good reasons to leave fallow for some time. These good 'reasons may be (1) exhaustion of the soul which calls for longer rest (2) the land being overgrown with weed owing to excessive rain, a condition which necessitates a longer fallow to enable the land to become fit for cultivation (3) scarcity of water due to the unfavorable set of the river at the mouths of the canals, and a variety of other causes. These reasons clearly indicate a long fallow, which the Zemindar would, but for the rule, have allowed. But the fear of being charged full fallow assessment or having his land forfeited, compels the poor Zemindar to incur heavy expensive on excavation or clearance or reclamation of the soul, and to give it for cultivation to haris on nominal rent, which is often less that the government assessment. In such a case, the cultivator, on the one hand, gets less for his time and trouble, and the Zemindar on the other, not withstanding his expense, gets nothing. So much for the effect of the stimulus in question. Were it not for this stimulus, other land in the same holding would have been cultivated, with advantage both to the Zemindar and to the cultivator, and without any loss to Government. Further if the expense of bringing any land under cultivation be excessive, the Zamindar prefers to let it lie fallow and pays the fallow assessment, rather than suffer the loss of his land.

Third]y, the tendency of the Zemindar to take up more land that hi Is able or willing to cultivate could, think, be easily checked by Government ruling that no land should be given to' a seminar who ha s for 5 years failed to cultivate an area equal to his holding. To secure full assessment in 5 years, the fairest course, if any were needed at all, would, I think, be to make final settlement of assessment every 5 years. The number Shumari being kept for 5 years, the total area of cultivation of every khatedar during 5 years could be made out, and if that were less than the area of his hold, the deficit of the assessment could be charged him, and, in default, a proportionate area could be confiscated. However, as I have said before, such cases are quite exceptional.

Thus it is clear that the rule works most injuriously in practice on the poor seminars. The loss incurred in bringing under cultivation land under temporary unfavorable conditions, or otherwise, by the payment often unfair exaction, plunges the Zemindar into debt. This steadily accumulating year by year eventually compels the Zemindar to part with a portion of what is so dear to a Sindhi and what, to a Zemindar, is the only means of livelihood,- his land.

The futility of these. Rules were even admitted by the Commissioner-in-Sindh in his Circular letter, inviting the options of the various officers in Sindh on the subject. The Commissioner, Mr. .Muir Mackenzie, therein observes that "it has occurred to the Commissioner that the rule might be abolished altogether. In a bad year its operation is always suspended and in a good year. When all land is pretty certain to be cultivated for which water is available, there should ordinarily be little occasion to enforce it. The forfeiture of time expired fallow lands is, moreover, merely nominal since forfeited lands are almost always given back to the original proprietors. The amount of revenue realized in the shape of fallow assessment and the arrears of fallow assessment recovered when forfeited lands are restored to original occupants is not large compared with the total revenue of the province. The abolition of the rule too is likely to result in an appreciable saving of work all round.

In this connection, I may point out that the restoration of fallow-forfeited number to the original holders in the first instance is all very well in theory. But, in practice, great delay, inconvenience and expense are occasioned to these holders in getting back their forfeited land owing to the change of that a, and the consequents necessity for applying for restoration of name, etc. and the countless other practical difficulties in the way. Besides there is observable of late a tendency to disregard the preferential claims of the original holders to their forfeited land, which is occasionally given away to strangers.

Against, there is a clear difference between lift and Flow land in respect of fallows. Hence even if the rule is to be retained with regard to Flow land there is no case for its retention in respect of lift land. In this I am supported by the opinion of such an eminent and distinguished revenue officer as the late Sirdar Mahomed Yakub, who observes in this connection, as follows: - "Whereat Charkhi" number is fanged with "kallar" or in rather sandy or of any reason is of poor soil the Zemindar gets into serious difficulty. Cultivators do not agree to devote their labor and expense on land which will pay in sufficient; their whole year's subsistence in "charki" tracts depends on "khrif' cultivation only, and there is always more land than there are cultivators the "haris" refuse to cultivate inferior land. If the Zemindar gives u the Survey Number, he finds undesirable neighbors in the midst of his holding. He pays the follow assessment, or, in some cases, attempts to have it cultivated. The stimulus to energy in those cases compass the Zemindar to give the land for nominal rent; the cultivator gets less for his time an trouble and the Zemindar nearly nothing while remembering that the number of cultivator is shall had the stimulus not been at work, the cultivator would have cultivated a better piece of land in the same holding with advantage to all concerned. In other cases, when the set of the river is against the canal, and there is deep silt in certain bad "karias" and water ceases to flow in the midst of the season the expenses required are too excessive. But the stimulus to energy plunges the Zemindar into debt, the crops fail, his "haris" run away with large advances, and he is left involved 'in the meshes of the money-lender. For these reasons, I am of opinion that the rule in question should not apply to "charkha" Survey Number.

It is, therefore to be hoped that these important considerations, and the decided opinions of its own most responsible and competent officers will weigh with Government, and induce Government to abolish the rule in toto, or at least with regard to lift land.

REDUCTION OF WATER SUPPLY

The reduction of water supply throughout Sindh by reduction of the size of the sluices which have existed from time immemorial has created great discontent among the Seminars of Sindh. The public works department would appear to have entered upon a veritable crusade. In 1908, they began with the Bagari canal, and within 20 miles of it, went on promiscuously pulling down the old sluices and building their own new ones. This created serious dissatisfaction, and various complaints were made to the Engineering authorities and to the Commissioner-in-Sindh. In some instances, it was found that the complaints were reasonable, and some of the new sluices were demolished.

The Public Works Department, and with it Government, would appear to have overlooked or ignored the whole history of the present. irrigational settlement in Sindh. Before its introduction, a diffused settlement obtained in this Province, under which the land was divided into large nos., and the Zemindar had to pay assessment for the whole land, whether cultivated or not. As the assessment was levied on the entire holding Government was, on its part, bound to supply water for the whole, and it was on that calculation that sluices at the heads of Karias and Canals were built by the P.W.D. at the expense of the Zemindar. The rate of assessment was very light.

The irrigational settlement was intended to curtail the extent of cultivation and to improve its quality. The large S. Nos: were split up into small ones and the amount of assessment livable on the whole and was’ imposed on a portion of it, with an option to the Zemindar to cultivate as many small Nos: as he chose, leaving the rest to lay fallow for which he was exempted from payment of the assessment. The Zemindar cold, if he chose, cultivates all the land contained in his old. No.s against the rate of assessment depends on the species of crops he wants to raise on the land. Thus there is no limitation either on the quality or the quantity of cultivation to be raised by the Zemindar. But the P.W.D has been trying to impose their own conditions on this power of the Zemindar. They base their calculation of water supply on the assumption that the Zemihdar should be provided water for only 1/3 of his holding, and that he has no right to cultivate more, and that, if possible, he should not be allowed to cultivate rise. This is a clear encroachment on the rights of the Zemindar. Law does not impose any limitation the kind proposed by the P.W.D. the law on the subject is contained in the Bombay Irrigation Act VII of 1879, and no power is given then to the P.W.D. to c7urtainl the usual water supply or to cut or confme the cultivation in any way.

Again, the P.W.D. pleads for the lower Zemindar. They believe that all riparian holders have equal rights. This can to be. YOl cannot deprive the higher holders of their rights in under to make provision for the lower holders; possibly nay probably, the lands on the lower reaches were not originally under cultivation. Their holders took up those lands with full knowledge of the disadvantages under whist they were laboring. They paid less for them, they cannot now turn round and call upon the higher holders to make provision for them. This I~ anything but equitable. The P.W.D. is encroaching upon the rights of the Zemindar arbitrarily and illegally, and this encroachment should be checked. The infection has spread from the Begary to the fully, the Methrao and other canals in Sindh; and unless steps are taken. It is feared (that this policy of reducing the water supply will produce serious and deep-rooted discontent among the Zemindar.

Mr. Younghusband, one of the most sagacious and farseeing Commissioners that Sindh has had, has struck a note ofwrining on this subject in his letter No. 555 of 5th July 1916, attached to the Government Resolution No. W.I.254/1907.

In Para 3 of that note he observes as follows :

“The irrigation question in Sindh presets marked peculiarities differentiating it probably from everything else of the kind in Sindh. Secondly, irrigation in Sindh is not in any sense a creation of the British administration. The works carried out by the Engineers have consisted mainly, until the last few years solely, in the development and improvement of previously existing indigenous systems of irrigation, and we are confronted on every side with an ancient usages and vested rights, which have to be carefully guarded against the well meaning encroachments of the zealous advocates of scientific irrigation. Where ancient rights and usages are distributed compensation should be proposed.”

Again in Para 3 of Government Resolution No. 1050 of 9th April 1906, we find the following remarks:-

“Some lands have probably prior rights of irrigation, and arrangements for their supply, in preference to others, must be made.”

In view of these considerations, I think it behooves Governments to respect the rights of the zemindar instead of completely ignoring them by demolishing their existing sluices without their knowledge and behind their back and creating new ounces of much smaller dimensions to their great prejudice.

This attitude of the P.W.D has compelled the quiet and pece-l9 oving Zemindar of Sindh to go to Courts of law against their will. Using Governemnt is not an easy or pleasant task. The person who does so incurs the deep resentment of the whole official class. But the Zemindar has the right to expect Government to afford them the protection against unrighteous encroachment which is their due.

THE SUKKUR BARAGE

The Sukkur Barrage is a projected scheme of improvement on the present water supply which has long been under the consideration

Of Government. It is vital importance to the Province. Let us, therefore, earnestly trust h that circumstances permit.

CO-OPERATIVE CREDIT SOCIEITIES

Co-operative Credit Societies are excellent institutions for mutual assistance. They have done good work in Sindh and this in spite 01 the drawbacks which have attended their working in this Province, to which I shall presently refer, indirectly, in the suggestion I intend the offer. An examination of their records will show that regular, if not very appreciable, progress has been made by them. These institutions were first introduced in 1906-07 when there was one society. In 1910-11, there were 4; in 1911-12.7: in 1912-13, II; in 1913-14, 17; ill

1914-15, 19; in 1915-16 there were 29, and by the 1st of April 1916 there were 30. 1 Mahratta, and I Telegraph office, societies- the last 2 being non-agricultural. This, no doubt, shows progress, but it is still very slow progress.

Perhaps the greatest drawback to their spread is the general ignorance of the people due to their wants of education; The vast mass of the people are not yet in a position to understand or appreciate the purpose or the advantages of these institutions, and are hence unconcerned about them. For this indifference the extension of education will I think do the most. But meanwhile something can still be done to popularize these societies by the appointment of a special Indian officer in charge, who should have no other work, and who should also go about instructing the masses regarding the benefits of such institutions. If that is not possible, an assistant should be given to the present officer, who has done so much of the cause of these societies.

Another suggestion which I would venture to offer is that these institutions should receive not only official countenance, but official encouragement and support. Officials should Endeavour to help the spread of these societies by inculcating their benefits on the people at large. There is very wide scope for the helpful activities of such~ bodies, and no means should be spared which can assist their growth. Finally the work of honorary workers in the cause of these societies should be generously recognized and commended.

THE Disintegration OFEST A TES.

The designation of estates by the operation of law is another matter for anxious consideration by the Zemindar of Sindh. At present the devolution of property prescribed by the Hindu and Mahomedan Law on the death of an owner has the effect of dividing and subdividing an estate continually, till the sub-division reaches a stage at which the estate almost becomes a negligible quantity. For, a very small holding is just as good as no holding at all. By its very smallness it ceases to be an economic holding. This process of disruption is ever at work, and the time will come when holders will be reduced to the condition of peasant proprietors. This is a grave political evil which I think must be averted. I am aware that I stand here on delicate ground, for it is no light matter to think of interfering with the operation of law and the clear rights of parties. I am fully sensible of these and other difficulties in the way, but I think these difficulties must be boldly faced in view of the paramount importance of the preservation of estates

RASAL

Perhaps one of the greatest evils under which the people of Sindh have been groaning is the system of Rasai. This institution is too well known to need description. It is peculiar to this Province, and is unknown in the rest of the Presidency. It had its origin the spirit of hospitality that is at once the pride and the curse of the people of Sindh. The prevalence of the evil is not a point that I need at all labor. It ahs been the subject of almost infinite complaint and representation from every quarter. It has been discussed, almost threadbare, it its every aspect and feature, by responsible officers of Government, by the Press, by public bodies, by public men and by private individuals. And, finally, it has arrested the attention of Government itself. But, beyond the issue OT Resolutions and Circulars, nothing effectual has yet been done by Government towards its suppression. These official orders, as everyone knows, fast become dead letters. At the outset they have some effect, but that effect is very fugitive. Soon they are honored more in the bre4ch than in the observance. They are finally allowed to crystallize and beyond, perhaps, some historic interest and value are void of any listing effect. Hence the evil has only grown and gained strength with the passing of the years and the evident impunity that would seem to accompany it, and has, I might almost say, been sanctioned and hallowed by a long and undisturbed existence. The evil has, indeed, attained the proportions of an open scandal and a public calamity.

As this abuse, therefore, urgently calls for reform, I may venture to officer a few suggestions. The first is the substantial curtailment of official tours to the extent that is absolutely necessary. For Rasai is an evil directly begotten of the touring system? That official touring is a necessity to a certain extent must be admitted. But touring on the scale that obtains at present goes, I think, beyond the actual necessity. The existing tours, therefore, should I am of opinion, be materially abridged. Their present extent is a source of much unnecessary trouble both to the officials and to the people. An official sometimes tours not because it is absolutely necessary to do so but because he is required to travel for a certain fixed number of days in the year, a period which, I think, exceeds the actual requirements of the situation. The people themselves would much prefer to come’ to head quarters for most of their business for the transaction of which hear-quarters afford them greater convenience.

My second suggestion is that the present system of supplies be supplanted by a system analogous to the Military Commissariat. The contracts of supplies could be farmed out to private individuals and neither Zemindars, on the one hand, not Tapadars nor other officials, on the other, should be allowed any hand in these contracts.

In conclusion I should like to acknowledge, with deep thankfulness on behalf of the people of Sindh, the earnest and whole-hearted endeavors of several officers of Government, more particularly our commissioner, Mr. Lucas, Mr. Beyts, Collector of Hyderabad and Mr. Monie, late Collector Onawa shah, to combat an evil which has been wreaking such have in this'Province.

EDUCATION

Last, but not least, is the important question of education in Sindh. Education is, as you well know, the basis of all progress, whether material or moral. It is the key to most of the problems that life presents whether in the social, economic or moral world, and it is almost a sovereign panacca for the ills that afflict mankind. Knowledge is power, indeed; while, on the other hand, there is no greater disability than ignorance. But ignorance is even worse than a mere negative defect. It is a danger and evil, and is the root of almost all evils. Thus most of the evils we have just discussed have their origin in the ignorance of the people. In point of education, our unfortunate country is in the rear of almost the whole of the civilized world. And our benighted Province is in the rear of the rest of India. No doubt, great strides have been made in this direction by the people of Sindh, but by far the greater portion of the ground still remains to be covered. It is therefore the

I bounden duty of all those whose rare good fortune it has been to receive the benefits of education to lose no opportunity, of inculcating the supreme value of education on all those with whom they may be brought into contact and on whom they may have some influence. For in the spread of education alone lies the hope of this Province. However, it is comforting to see that Sindh is fast waking from its long slumber. The wave of progress has passed over the Province, and at least the thinking portion of the people is now athrob with aspiration and astir with effect. But it is for us to see that this enthusiasm does not languish or die, but that it is kept vigorously alive, and is even still further Stimulated. For, after all, we must remember that our system of education is still a purely voluntary one, in which there is much room for the operation of prejudice or apathy. These are the obstacles in the path of education which we must expect to encounter, and which we must set ourselves strenuously to overcome, as long as the present voluntary methods obtain with the introduction of compulsion, however, a principle which was warmly advocated by the Late Honourable Mr. Gokhale, in the Bill designed to give effect to it which he brought before. The Imperial Council, the educational question will have automatically solved itself. That time must inevitably come, and that it come as possible must be the hope and wish of everyone who desires the regeneration of India. For the voluntary system, however successful, cannot secure that wide extension of education which is necessary if a whole people are to be enlightened. The history of other countries has proved this fact beyond controversy, and India must follow in their wake if the general emancipation of her people from ignorance and error is to be secured. In this connection, I would beg leave to refer to a matter, which though sectional in scope and purpose, is found upon a principle of universal application. I refer to the Sindh Mahomedan Education Cess Bill, which I introduced some time ago in the Legislative Council. The principle underlying the Bill was that of voluntary self-taxation by the community for the purpose of communal education. Government, however, while accepting the principle, demurred to give it the force of, law until they were fully, persuaded that the measure had the support of the entire community. There has long been a vast body of opinion in its favour, and the community are in hopes that the time will soon come when this measure of self-help will receive legislative sanction, and their progress be finally assured.

It may also not be inappropriate here to refer to the representation of Sindh on the Bombay University syndicate. It appears that, during the last 20 years, only one gentlemen form Sindh has been appointed on the Senate. I do not think this is sufficient justice to the claims of this Province in this direction. For Sindh has made substantial advance in education, and is still progressing apace. I have, therefore, placed this matter before the consideration of the University, and am in hopes that the claims of Sindh to adequate representation on the Senate will receive the recognition they deserve.

Before concluding this subject, I may say a few words regarding the condition of prifuary and secondary education in this Province. It is gratifying to observe the fair progress made by Sindh in the direction of primary education; However, I think there is still considerable room for improvement, for a thorough dissemination of education among the masses is the consummation that is to be attained. Our grateful acknowledgments are due to Government for what it has already achieved in this direction. But Government will, I trust, itself realize that its duty is by no means done and will push on with the responsible work of universal enlightenment to the end.

Secondary education, I am sorry to think, has not at all received the encouragement it deserves, and is still in a very unsatisfactory condition. This fact has been repeatedly commented upon by the Educational Inspector in Sindh, though his remarks have especial reference to the needs of the Mahomedan Community in the Province. But, gentlemen, I am sure you will agree that the educational advancement of this community is tantamount to the educational advancement of Sindh of which the Mahomedans form the vast majority and are still very largely in the darkness of ignorance. The progress of secondary education can I think, be secured by the increase of muddle and high schools' in convenient places, by the further grant of endowments and scholarships, and. Above all, by the maintenance of a low scale of fees. The raising of the fees by Government is clearly a measure which must retard the progress of secondary education and I trust Government will realize this and reduce these fees. For, while primary education is, no doubt, the first step in mass emancipation, no great progress is possible without secondary and higher education. Secondary and higher education means the diffusion of the English language among the people, which has been perhaps one of the greatest benefits that British rule has brought to this country. It s influence has been to illumine, to elevate, to inspire, and, above all, to consolidate the people of India, and I feel that yet greater possibilities of good wait n its further diffusion.

CONCLUSION

Gentlemen, in conclusion, I must thank you very much for the great patience with which you have, heard me. But before I take my seat, you will permit me to say that we cannot do better that place before our minds some considerations, which, I feel" cannot fail to fortify and sustain us all who labor in the vineyard of our common cause Brother-delegates, it behoves us all to ever bear in mind that our mission is an exalted one, our responsibilities solemn, and our duties to ourselves, to our fellowmen, to our rulers and to the land of our birth, high and noble. But, at the same time, let us not nurse ay pleasing illusions. Let us not forget that much labor, great sacrifice, probably some disappointment, lie before us. But let us not be faint of heart. Let us pursue the even tenor of our way with a courage that should never flinch, with an equanimity that nothing should ruffle, and above all, with a confidence in the ultimate success of our cause that should never falter. Gentlemen, India wants stout hearts and willing hands. Our advancement is largely dependent on our own endeavors. Our fortunes are largely for ourselves to make or mar. Our fortunes are largely for ourselves to make or mar.' let us cultivate character, let us foster self-respect, let us cherish a spirit of self-sacrifice, above all let us fully awake to 'the consciousness of our common brotherhood, and then, and they only, will India have achieved lasting good. It has pleased an inscrutable' Province to link our destinies with those of Britain, than which no dispensation could have been more propitious to our country. And it is under the' begin auspices of British rule that we must work our salvation. Let us therefore toil unceasingly, toil cheerfully, and toil hopefully: the harvest must come in the fullness of time.

4^TH SINDH PROVINCIAL CONFERENCE

HELD AT SHIKARPUR

(1917)

The first session of the fourth Provincial Conference took place this afternoon under the president ship of Rai Bahadur Hiranand Khemsing, B.A., LL.B., in a specious pandal erected near Shahi Bag where about 500 delegated and an equal number of visitors from different parts of Sind had assembled.

            After welcome songs the chairman of the reception committee; Seth Lunidasing, a leading merchant of Shikarpur, welcoming the delegates, explained that the object of the Conference was to place the needs of the people before Government to bring about a better understanding between rulers and rules. He recalled the ancient greatness of Shikarpur when the town was governed by its merchants under the suzerainty of Afghan rulers. After briefly referring to the war and India’s put in it, the Defence of India Force Act and its far-reaching consequences, indentured labor and the recent pronouncement of the Viceroy, the Public Service Commission and the keen disappointment caused by its report, the Arms Act, the need for free compulsory education, the separation of the executive and judicial functions, and self-government on the lines recommended by the last Congress and the Moslem League, he spoke at some length upon the exorbitant rise in the price of fuel in Sind and the need for Government to come to the rescue of the people by fixing low selling rates, the enhancement of the settlement period from ten to thirty years, the expediting of the construction of the proposed barrage, the removal of restrictions on the water supply of certain zamindarikarias, the question of making Shikarpur the headquarter of the proposed new district of Jacobabad, and the need of raising the status of city magistrates of important towns to the grade of Deputy Collector.

            Seth Chanomal, Mr. Murlidhar, Mr. Abdul Rahman of Larkana, Mr. Lokamal of Karachi, Mr. Mulchand Pessumal, Mr. Viroomal Begraj and Mr. Naraindas Metharam made speeches eulogizing the president.

            The president, referring to the war, expressed great satisfaction at the generous appreciations of the King Emperor, and his ministers of Indian’s assistance. Regarding the Defence of India Force Act he expressed pleasure that the mental spirit of the people was on the eve of being revived, and he hoped that the military career which the measures promised to India would not be frustrated by obstruction, rules and conditions, and that the Defence of India Force would satisfy their genuine aspirations and would be the prelude to another organization, larger and fuller, for fighting England’s battles inside and outside India in all climes wherever the interests and safety of Empire led it.

            The people were anxiously looking forward to the day when the war should be concluded by a victorious peace and the reforms in the system of government given practical shape. India would no longer be satisfied with a mere make shift or a make believe. What India wanted was real genuine reform, first and foremost of which was fiscal autonomy. Unless the finances of India were managed by Indians for the interests of India, the depreciation of wealth which had been going on for the last hundred years would not cease, and India which was already notoriously poor would be poorer still. Lancashire was still raising its head and demanding a further countervailing duty on Indian goods, and though it had been silenced for the time being there was danger still from that quarter. He hoped that justice and decency would not be sacrificed to the interests of a clique and that Indian interests would not be throttled by the combination of Lancashire, however formidable it might be.

            Referring to the protection of Indian industries he said that free trade after the war was an exploded shibboleth. Its votaries had been rudely awakened by the present war. The monopoly of all key industries by Germany had demonstrated to England that it had been committing suicide by letting others utilized its resources. If England was going to protect itself against Germany by heavy tariffs it was just that India should be invested with the power to protect its industries, not only against other, but against England itself. The labours of the Industrial Commission, which would shortly make proposals for starting new industries, would be of no avail unless those industries were fostered by protective duties.

            With regard to the report of the Public Services Commission he said that it had caused deep disappointment to the aspirations and expectations of Indians, and he hoped that the whole question would be re-approached from a new angle and satisfactorily solved.

            He called upon the people of Sind to join other provinces in urging upon the British Government the necessity and desirability of installing a substantial measure of self government in the country.

            Mr. Hiranand proceeded to criticize the land revenue policy in Sind. Though the soil of Sind was poor it was much more heavily taxed than other provinces in the Bombay presidency. While the assessment per acre in other parts of India varied between 8 annas and Re. 1-9 per acre, in Sind it mounted up to Rs. 5 per acre and was seldom less than Rs. 2 per acre. This had resulted in the poverty of the peasantry and the bulk of the Zamindars, who were sunk in debt. The Rayatwari system had proved a miserable failure everywhere. It was a double failure in Sind where the soil was poor, water scanty and needing to be raised at heavy cost by means of Persian wheels, and the rent payable to the State was the heaviest. He criticized the ten year’s settlement in Sind and said that the interests of Government itself demanded a sixty year’s settlement. Besides long period assessment he advocated that over loaded assessment be reduced to reasonable rates, that the Fallow rules be worked honestly and faithfully and remissions be given liberally in bad years.

            Referring to the Agriculture Department he said that hitherto its work was more or less confined to the administration of American cotton in Sind. But the time had now come when the Department should pay attention to other staple crops. He advocated the grant of land to educated persons who would appreciate the improved methods of cultivation and adopt inn vations which the Agriculture department might introduce. He could not understand why Government was fighting shy of the educated classes in the matter of grants of lands.

            He declared that the Sind police were inefficient and suggested improvements in the pay and prospects of the subordinate service which he believed would attract a better type of persons. He also advocated free and compulsory education conducted on national lines and the appointment of a Sindhi pleader on the bench of the Judicial Commissioner’s Court, and criticized at length the delegation of wide powers to the Commissioner in Sind.

            Referring to Co-operative credit societies in Sind he said that the progress made by the movement was most meager. This he attributed to the absence of a full time man of experience to organize and develop the movement, and he hoped that Government would supply the want.

            He then referred to the expensiveness of justice in the Court of the Judicial Commissioner, and the heavy cost of translating and typing every paper in the lower Court which should be borne by Government.

            He regretted that the Industrial Commission could not visit Sind. Although the attention of the Government of Bombay was drawn to the commission, it did not think that there was anything in Sind to attract the Commission. A paper read before the Citizen’ Association of Hyderabad by Mr. Lakhumalani, who had situated at the Thatta Research Institute, showed that there was a vast field for the industrial exploration of the province.

            In the cities there was a growing desire for the emancipation of municipalities from official leading strings. He recommended the extension of the municipal franchise by giving one vote to every literate and every owner of immoveable property, as with the possession of more rights would come the sense of responsibility. At the beginning there would be misuses of that right but in the end it was sure to come right. While they were pressing for such reforms the Government of Bombay had of late been adopting a policy of repression and suspending municipalities presided over by non official presidents for one reason or other. During the past few years Ahmedabad, Bijapur in the Presidency proper and Hyderabad in Sind had shared such a fate. From his experience of his native place, Hyderabad, he could say with a certain degree of confidence that the remedy of suspension had proved to be much worse than the disease itself. During the last year and a half the Committee of Management which had replaced the Municipality had done no work. Although they had a costly Municipal Commissioner, the sanitation, the lighting, road repairs and water supply were in a much worse condition than before. The Committee held its meeting in camera and it’s proceeding and accounts were a sealed book to the public.

            He also drew the attention of the delegates to the fact that at Hyderabad Muhammadan representation on the municipality was inadequate before the suspension. He advised the Hindus to make it up to stop the demand for separate representation for Muhammadans which threatened to divide the two important communities.

            In conclusion he made it clear that no one in Sind desired to embarrass the Government by holding the conference during the tendency of the war. They asked for no immediate concessions. They were formulating proposals and were asking Government to take note of them and comply with them after the war was over.

            After the conclusion of the President’s speech Mr. Polak was introduced to the audience by the president, and made a short speech on the indentured labor question, advising the audience to urge upon Government to do away with in conclusively, immediately and forever.

            After the election of the subjects committee the conference adjourned for the day. (The Daily,Gazette  dated April 9, 1917 Page No. 4).

SECOND DAY’S SITTINGS

At the resumed sitting of the Provincial Conference on Sunday afternoon the following resolution were passed after considerable discussion, the resolution on local self-government occupying the greater part of the time:-

            Proposed by the Hon. Mr. Harchnadrai and seconded by the Hon. Mr. Bhurgri, that (a) Having regard to the fact that the avowed aim of Great Britain in participating in the European War had been the Defence of the principles of liberty and justice, and in view of the enthusiasm with which India has identified herself with the cause of the Empire, the movement towards a reconstruction of the Imperial fabric, the declarations of responsible ministers of His Majesty’s Government as to the changed position of India in the Empire and the capacity of the Indians to manage their own affairs, and further having regard to the fact that the present system of Government does not satisfy the legitimate aspirations of the people and has become unsuited to the existing conditions and requirements, the conference strongly urges upon His Majesty’s Government that a Royal proclamation be issued announcing to the people of this country that it is the avowed aim of British policy to confer self-government on India; (b) That this conference demands that a definite step should be taken towards self government by granting the reforms contained in the scheme prepared by the All India Congress Committee in concert with the Reform Committee appointed by the All India Moslem League; (c) That in the construction of the Empire India shall be lifted from the position of a dependency to that of an equal partner in the Empire with the self government dominions.

            Proposed by Dr. Choithram and seconded by Mukhi Jethanand that this Conference whilst thanking the Government of India for prohibiting, during the War, the recruitment of indentured labor in India for service in Fiji and other Crown colonies in the moral, intellectual, economic and social interests of this country, respectfully urges, that during the intervening period legislation may be passed finally and unconditionally abolishing the system of indenture; this Conference is further of opinion that no alternative system of recruitment of labor for service abroad will be acceptable to the conscience of India, that a cable conveying the purport of this resolution be forwarded to Secretary of State for India for consideration and by the May Conference to be held in London on this subject.

            Proposed by Mr. Naraindas Mehtaram and seconded by Seth Rewachand that this Conference strongly urges that Government should take effective steps to bring about an early redress of the following longstanding grievances of third class railway passengers from whom the largest portion of railway revenue is derived; - (a) Overcrowding in third class carriages; (b) want of ventilation and adequate arrangement for water in latrines and (c) ill-treatment of third class passengers by the railway staff.

            Proposed by the president Hiranand khemsing that it is the opinion of this Conference that at least one of the Additional Judicial Commissioners of Sind should be an Indian selected from the Sind Bar.

            That this Conference protested against the ordinate delay in the publication of the report of the Sind Land Settlement Committee, and strongly urges that the period of settlement be raised to not less than 60 years and that a limitation for the State demand on the land be fixed.

            Proposed by Seth Lokamal Chellaram and seconded by Mr. Mathradas Ramchand that this Conference strongly urges upon the Government the necessity of substantially extending wherever possible the facilities for teaching the Koran to Muhammadans and Hindu Scriptures to Hindus in the Local Board schools in Sind outside of school hours.

            That this Conference urges the people of Sind to use swadeshi articles even at monetary sacrifice.

            That this Conference humbly protests against the policy of the Bombay Government in disallowing questions on important subjects without any convincing proofs. (The Daily Gazette,  dated April 10, 1917 Page 8)

CONCLUDING SITTING

            The third and last session of the Provincial Conference to day lasted for six hours, during which time the following resolution were discussed and passed:-

REPRESENTATION ON MUNICIPALITIES

            This Conference is of opinion that in Sind Municipalities and Local Boards the proportion of Hindu and Muhammadan representatives may be fixed on the basis of population, educational qualifications and taxation, but before fixing that proportion the opinion of Municipalities, Local Boards and other public bodies should be invited, but in no case should number of representatives of any community exceed the proportion to which that community would be entitled according to population; (b) that after the fixing of such proportion the election of representatives should be by a mixed electorate of Hindus and Muhammadans; (c) that Government while making nominations should be guided by the proportion fixed for election.

            This was proposed by the Hon. Mr. Harchanrai who said that the resolution was against his principles, but he had changed his view out of respect for the feeling of Muhammadans and the understanding arrived at the last Congress and Muslim League.

            Mr. Jamshed N.R. Mehta, seconding, congratulated the Hindu community on the concession made to their Muhammadans brethren and hoped it would result in a better understanding between the two communities.

HYDERABAD’S MUNICIPAL AFFAIRS

            That the appointment of a Municipal Commissioner for the town of Hyderabad is illegal, and experience has shown that the administration of the Committee of Management and the Municipal Commissioner has resulted in no good to the town. This conference therefore urges Government to restore the rights of local self government to the people of Hyderabad.

PUBLIC SERVICES REPORT

            (a) This conference strongly objects to the recommendations of the Public Service Commission and is of opinion that in view of changed circumstances which had raised new hopes and aspirations in the minds of people after the sitting of the Commission the report should not be taken notice of by the Government; (b) this conference offers its thanks to the Hon. Mr. Justice Abdul Rahim for the expression of his views against the report of the Commission.

 DEFENCE OF INDIA ACT

            That this conference thanks Government for introducing the Defence of India Act and brings to its notice that it is necessary not only to increase the number of centers for giving military training but to increase the number of recruits for such training. This conference is also strongly of opinion that all distinction between Europeans and Indians with regard to pay and position may be done away with.

            That this conference strongly disapproves of the way in which the Defence of India and other Acts are being brought in operation, and thus depriving them of their liberty without due investigation. The conference lays great stress upon the recommendation made by public bodies that advisory committees with one Judicial officer and one Indian lawyer be appointed in each province for the investigation of each case. (b) This conference strongly objects to the unjust and improper orders issued by Government under the Defence of India Act against Bal Gangdhar Tilak, Babu Bipin Chandra Paul and Mr.Mahmud Ali and prays that the Government will be pleaded to cancel these orders. 

FREE COMPULSORY EDUCATION

            That this conference strongly supports the resolution of the Hon. B. N. Surma proposed in the last Imperial Legislative Council to the effect that free compulsory primary education be given in India.

POWERS OF THE COMMISSION IN SIND

            That the delegation of extensive powers to the Commissioner in Sind is not desirable and therefore Bombay Act 5 of 1868 should be repealed.

 R  A S  A  I

            That this conference while admitting that certain officers have exerted their utmost to put a stop to Rasai, expresses its dissatisfaction that the evil has not died out, and is of opinion that unless touring officers do not reduce the period of their touring season and the number of subordinates taken on tours, and unless contracts are appointed from headquarters for the supply of provisions and unless revenue officers are relieved of all responsibility there will be no hope of the evil dying out.

POLICE POWERS

            That the police should be deprived of the powers under Section 110 of the Criminal Producer Code and these powers should be given to the Mukhtiarkar who should decide such cases with the advice of a committee of representatives of the people.

INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT

            That this conference urges the Government to appoint an expert to enquire into industrial development of the province.

COST OF JUSTICE

That justice in the Court of the Judicial Commissioner be made less expensive, the charge for translation and typewriting is paid by Government.

INDIANS AS EDUCATIONISTS

            That this conference records its conviction that the development of education in India on national lines requires that administrative and educational service should be manned mainly by well qualified Indian and that the Senates of Indian Universities should be in the consist of elected Indians and that such Senates should have complete control over their own executive and educative policy.

SUKKUR BARRAGE

            This conference reiterates the resolution of the last conference that in view of the shortage of water in the river Indus, the Sukkur Canal Project which has been so long hanging fire be given immediate effect to and until that scheme is carried to completion no new canals be allowed to be opened in the Punjab.

            The president in his concluding remarks congratulated the organizers of the conference on its unique success. He said that no previous conference had attracted such large numbers of enthusiastic people.

            The proceeds from the sale of delegates and visitors tickets amounted to over Rs. 4,000; about 560 visitors were provided with free board and lodging, and there were about 200 volunteers, some of whom had come from Karachi and Hyderabad. A very large number of Hyderabad is attended the conference.

SINDH PROVINCIAL CONFERENCE

Held In March / April 1918

At Karachi – Proceedings

And Resolutions

The Sind Provincial Conference opened in Karachi on 30.03.1918 afternoon under the presidentship of Mr. Murlidhar Jeramdas, a pleader of Shikarpur and was attended by nearly 500 hundred delegates from all parts of Sind. After an address by the Hon. Mr. Harchandrai Vishindas, C.I.E., Chairman of the reception committee, and speeches by Mr. Ghulam Ali G. Chagla, R.B. Hiranand and Mr. Lokamal Chellaram enlogising the president and moving him into chair Mr. Murlidhar read, his presidential address which embraced almost every topic of importance and unimportance to Sind, except the war.

            The proceedings on 30.03.1918 meeting opened with a resolution expressing sorrow, at the death of Sir William wedderburn, which was passed in silence. The president then moved a brief resolution declaring loyalty to the British Crown and praying for the success of the British arms.

            The following resolutions were passed:-

            (1) “This conference is emphatically of opinion that the reforms outlined in Curti’s scheme are mischievous, illusory and unacceptable to the people of India and therefore strongly condemns the suggestion that the scheme should be applied to Sind or in any other part of India”.

            (2) “This conference places on record its grateful thanks to the Labor party of England for its whole-hearted support to the cause of Home Rule for India and for its pledge to render all assistance inside and outside parliament towards the attainment of this object”.

            The Principal resolution of the Conference led to an avalanche of speeches from the Hon. Mr. Harchandrai Vishindas, R.B. Hiranand Khemsing, Mr. Ghulam Ali G. Chagla, Mukhi Jethnand Pritmadas, Mr. Santdas Magharam, Mr. Naraindas Motoram, Mr. R.K. Sidhwa, and Dr. Choithram.

            It read:-

            (3) This Conference while appreciating the pronouncement made by His Majesty’s Secretary of State for India on behalf of the Imperial Government that its object is the establishment of responsible Government of India, urges, the Imperial Government to give the people of India an effective voice, with His Majesty’s Government and the Government of India, in determining the measure and time of each advance towards responsible Government.

            “This Conference strongly urges the necessity for the immediate enactment of a parliamentary statute providing for the establishment of responsible Government in India, the full measure to be attained at an early date within a time to be fixed in the statute itself.

            “This conference is emphatically of opinion that the Congress League Scheme of reforms which is the irreducible minimum that the people of India can accept be immediately introduced by statute as the first step in the process:.

            “The final resolution was:-

            (4) “This conference strongly condemns the action of officials in bringing undue pressure on various municipalities in Sind to introduce the house tax in the teeth of strong opposition of the people and in emphatically disapproves of their high handed action in the case of Larkana, and Manjhand  Municipalities. This conference desires to bring to the notice of Government this high-handed policy and violation of the principle of local self-Government and urges the immediate reversal of the same”.

            The conference again assembled on 1.04.1918 and passed further resolutions including one on the separation of Sind from the Presidency. (D.G. 1 April, 1918, P.4)

CONCLUDING DAY

            On resumption yesterday (1^st April, 1918) afternoon the Sind Provincial Conference passed four resolutions, the principal being on the position of Sind in the coming reforms, which led to a long discussion before it was carried. It reads:-

            “This Conference is emphatically of opinion that the present system of Government in Sind under which the Commissioner in Sind exercises almost all the powers of the Governor in Council, without the safeguards afforded by an Executive Council, constituting thus a system of decentralization of powers without popular control, is most detrimental to the best interests of the Province and has retarded its progress in many direction.

            “This Conference therefore strongly urges the imperative necessity of repealing Act V of 1868 and all over measures authorizing delegation of powers to the Commissioner in Sind and of placing Sind under the direct control of the Government of Bombay.

            “That in view of the announcement of reforms expected to be made by the Secretary of State as the result of his mission to this country, a committee (consisting of twenty gentlemen) be appointed to consider the said announcement, more specially with reference to Sind and submit its report to the Sind Provincial Congress Committee, who should convene a special session of the Sind Provincial Conference to deliberate on the same”.

            The other resolution covered a diversity of subjects, ranging from education to resolutions on individuals and the Press and including several matters of interests to Sind. .

PRESIDENT’S ADDRESS

            The presidential address, which was delivered on Saturday occupied forty five pages of printed foolscap, five sixth of which were devoted to what may be described as imperial topics  the Defence of India Act, the Arms Act, The Press Act, the Income Tax Act, Education, “Home Rule”, Local “Home Rule”, the Swadeshi Movement, etc. whilst one sixth referred to Sind matters  the form of the Sind Government, Fallow Rules, Fuel and Salt, Bank side trees, Rasai, Lapo and Cher. On the subject of the Government of Sind “as it is and as it ought to be”, Mr. Murlidhar Jeramdass delivered himself as follows:

SIND AS IT OUGHT TO BE

            Sind in comparison to her sister provinces stands on a lower rung of the ladder leading to the destined goal of Swaraj. Her position in the presidency is peculiar; she has therefore to work harder and more strenuously than other provinces for the purpose of reaching the desired goal.

            Even Indian’s political Rishi late Mr. Gokhale in his political testament treated Sind with scant attention and the inactivity and inertia displayed by her. But now the same state of things can not be permitted to continue and Sind refused to be called a “Benighted province” or a “Sleepy hollow”. She is an integral and non-negligible part of India and is prepared to contribute ratably to the Indian culture.

            This subject had very recently been a matter for discussion at the last Special Sind Conference held at Hyderabad a few months ago. As it was the legitimate and special province of that Conference to deal with it, my task is considerably simplified so far as this subject is concerned and I have thus to make a very few observations only.

            It is an anomaly that Sind is still on the list of “Scheduled Districts” although with Karachi rivaling Bombay, it has been advancing commercially and though in consequence of Mesopotamian conquest, its geographical importance is an assured and unprecedented one.

            Whatever be the view adopted with respect to the political status that Sind may occupy in the proposed reforms, we all are unanimously agreed that Sind Commissioner’s Act of 1868, that has remained with us for a half century, ought to be abolished and one man’s rule ought to end. This Act confers powers of the Governor in Council on the Commissioner usually of the Indian Civil Service and trained to be an autocrat, and his acts remain uncontrolled and unquestioned by the Bombay Government. The Government has voluntarily parted with its power to check the actions of each with its power to check the each occupant that comes and goes. His will is supreme for good or for evil and absolute. Sind feels sequestered. It has a poor representation on the University, her educational advancement is slow her development of Local Self Government stunted and her agricultural, irrigational and industrial condition unsatisfactory. I can not refrain myself from observing that this system is repugnant to the democratic principles that have now surcharged the political atmosphere all over the world and that at present the autocratic system can not inspire that confidence in the minds of the governed that would otherwise be done in the case of a representatives Government wherein “Self determination” has a part. What is done in the province, be it in the dispensation of state service, be it in the nomination of municipalities and local boards, be it in the forests or in the judiciary, never reaches the ears of the Bombay Government.

            With the repeal of this Act where with a pre anti dilluvian form of Government is carried on, arises the question of demand for a suitable and satisfactory form of Government.

            The only possible suggestions for consideration are:-

(1)   Should Sind be autonomous with a Governor and Councils?

(2)   Should Sind be linked to the Punjab?

(3)   Should Sind be made a part of Baluchistan?

(4)   Should Sind remain annexed to Bombay with a promise that Sind Commissioner’s Act be repealed and Sind be given a Commissioner with the same powers that other Commissioners in the Presidency have.

            Brother delegates, these are all mementoes questions on the right determination of which the future of Sind depends. All the above suggestions have been fully considered at the last Sind Special Provincial Conference. Mine will be but a feeble voice in endorsement of those views. But the importance of the questions is such that the ablest and the most thoughtful men of Sind should meet in committee to consider the various aspects of the questions. Difficulties there are in every course but they have to be met. Under the present system Sind has not gained any thing from the introduction of Morley Minto reforms. Sind unless it rises to suggest its fate will, I am sure remain untouched by any changes that Parliament may introduce at the instance of Mr. Montagu, Sind must make its voice felt that the present system of bureaucratic rule with “wooden, in elastic and iron” machinery can not go on any longer. Before these changes are introduced let this Conference or its specially authorized committee prepare a scheme of reforms for the administration of Sind Government.

FUEL AND SALT

            On the subject of Fuel and Salt Mr. Murlidhar said:

            The prices of fuel and salt had gone very high and continued complaints were heard from all parts of the Province. But I am glad the Commissioner in Sind has kindly interested himself in the matter and arrangements are made through municipalities to sell salt at the rate of one anna per seer and fuel kandi at a little over 8 annas a maund and lai a little over 6 annas a maund throughout the year. If the municipalities can take up coupes according to their requirements direct from the Forest Department they will be able to sell fuel still cheaper to the people. I am sure Government will make reasonable concession in royalty charges in such a case.

BANK SIDE TREES

            On the subject of Bank side trees Mr. Murlidhar said:

            Among the chief grievances of the Sind Zamindars, the order of the Commissioner in Sind about the bank side trees on private water courses is one. The karias are excavated and cleared by the Zamindars themselves at their own cost and the tress are planted, nurtured, and maintained by the Zamindars, similarly. The produce of these trees is also enjoyed by the Zamindars. The incidents of ownership lie with the Zamindars. There is thus no justification why the Government should lay claim such trees. They have no hand in their creation or growth. I am aware that the proportion of the land covered by the karia is deducted from the area of the land for the purpose of assessment but the land revenue charged includes the water rate and karia assessment as disclosed by the report of Commission appointed to report on settlements.

          Therefore this fact should not affect the right of the Zamindars to the trees grown and maintained by him and not by Government though the usufruct is admittedly the Zamindars. Government claims ownership of the land under the water courses but Government similarly claims to be the power paramount of all the survey numbers are recognized to be the legitimate property of the Zamindars. For many years there was no interference by Government with the rights of Zamindars over these trees and no permission was required for cutting them. Latterly however a circular ( No.29 ) went forth and warned the rayat that such trees no longer were their property . This circular seems presumably to be based on the view that the land Revenue Code had vested the proprietorship of all the soil in the power paramount. But this  inspite   of Sind Sadar Court deciding in 1883 as against Government assertion of such a claim “That though there may have been originally nothing proprietary in the character of some Zamindars the position was one which readily developed in a proprietary form” I think in fairness to the Zamindars, Government should now uphold their rights to these trees and issue clear orders to that effect so as to save the Zamindars from unnecessary prosecutions in criminal courts and harassment at the hands of revenue officials.

                            Mr. Murlidhar’s remarks on the subjects of the Fallow Rules, Rasai, Lapo and cher were repetition of what has been said at previous local meeting. (DAILY GAZETTE, DATED APRIL2, 1918 PAGE NO.10)

TEXT OF RESOLUTIONS

           The following resolutions were passed at Monday’s sitting of this Sind Provincial Conference in Karachi:

1.- (a) “That this conference is of opinion that the existing system of education under Government control does not satisfy necessary requirements and therefore until national control is effectively secured over the educational system, voluntary organizations, independent of Government control, should be started and developed for the purpose of founding and expanding schools and colleges and for imparting general, technical and commercial education suited to the needs of the country”.

(b)     “That this conference records its warm appreciation of the labours of those patriots who are responsible for the formation of the society for the Promotion of National Education under the presidentship of Sir Rash Behari Ghose and hopes that the public of Sind will heartily support this Society and form branches of the same in every town .”

(c)     “That this conference is highly pleased to find that an institution called the Sind National Collage and High school has already been started by the Society for the promotion of National Education at Hyderabad and hoped  that the pubic of Sind will enthusiastically support the institution and soon start similar institutions in other parts of Sind”.

(d)     “That this conference urges upon the public of Sind and all public institutions in the province the necessity of helping the above society with generous donations and calls upon all patriotic Sindhis to work for the success of the National Education Week”.

      “That conference while thanking Lord Willingdon’s Government for its support to Mr. Patel’s Act for Compulsory Primary Education in municipal areas, urges on Government the desirability of extending the principle of the Act to rural areas and the necessity of increasing its grant in aid for primary education to two thirds of the total expenditure on that head in any municipal area where compulsion is introduced. This conference also calls upon the municipal councilors of the larger municipalities in Sind to take immediate measures to introduce compulsory primary education and arrange to provide their share of the cost”.

2. (a) “This conference places on record its deliberate opinion that by reason of the wide and arbitrary powers conferred by the press Act of 1910 upon the present irresponsible executive and the unequal and partial manner in which it has been used in the case of the Indian and Anglo-Indian press, the Act has proved a menace to the liberty of the Indian press and is opposed to British traditions in England, and the conference urges Government to immediately repeal it”.

(b)  “This conference strongly condemns the recent action of officials in Sind in demanding securities under the press Act from the New Times , the Home Ruler, the Trade Advertiser and the Hindvasi  without any justifiable grounds”;

3. “This conference while thanking Government for having agreed to appoint a mixed committee to inquire into the evils of rasai, lapo and cher deplores the unabated prevalence of these abuses in Sind and strongly urges the appointment of a majority of non official member of recognized independence of opinion on that committee. This conference further suggests to Government the great desirability of immediately issuing a notification assuring the people that Government are anxious to know the truth and will see that witnesses are not harassed by officials”.
4. “This conference is of opinion that the continued internment of Messrs. Muhammad Ali and Shoukat Ali inspite of the assurance given by them and several eminent leaders of the Muhammadan community betrays a gross want of trust in the people on the part of the Government and is a cause of serious discontent among the people. This conference therefore strongly urges on His Majesty’s Government in England the desirability of issuing instructions for the release of these two leaders”.
5. “This conference is emphatically of opinion that the imposition of the present restrictions on the attendance of students at political meetings is calculated to discourage the cultivation of patriotic spirit and therefore urges the Government to cancel the orders issued by it on the question”.
6. “This conference earnestly appeals to Government to set at liberty Prof. Jawhermal, Mr. Abdul Majid and Moulvie Mahomed Sadik and all other Sindhis interned or incarcerated under the Defence of India Act or any other measure and pending their release. This conference further strongly urges the grant of substantial allowance to all those interned Sindhis who do not now get it.
7. “These Conference Calls upon the various District Congress Committees, Home Rule League and other political association in the province to carry on throughout the year a vigorous propaganda in support of the Congress League scheme and in condemnation of the Curti’s scheme”.
8. “This conference condemns of the continuance of the orders issued by the Governments of the Punjab and Delhi prohibiting entry to Messrs. Balgangadbar Tilak and Bepin Chandra Pal within their respective province and regards this continuance as wholly unwarranted”.
9. “This conference is emphatically of opinion that at least one of the three judges now constituting the Court of the Judicial Commissioner of Sind should be an Indian recruited from the Sind bar”.
10. “In view of the continuance of serious complaints regarding the misuse of the powers conferred by section 110 of the Criminal Procedure Code, this conference urges Government to institute a public inquiry into the working of this section in Sind by a committee on which independent non-official opinion is largely represented and to issue instructions granting immunity to all witnesses who give evidence before the committee”.
11. “This conference emphatically protests against the methods adopted by the Income Tax assessing officers in assessing the Tax and against the undue interference by the revisional  authorities in raising the tax after decision in appeals”.
12. “This conference, while expressing its surprise at the ignorance displayed by the Bombay Government at the last session of the Legislative Council with regard to the resolution urging the restoration of the Hyderabad Municipality passed at the Special Sind Provincial Conference held at Hyderabad in November last, reiterates its demand for the immediate restoration of the Hyderabad Municipality, as the present Committee of Management has proved an utter failure and its continuance will be against the civic interest of the town.”
13. “This conference places on record its sense of extreme dissatisfaction at the attitude taken up by Government at the last session of the Bombay Council on the question of the translation of vernacular newspapers of Sind in the office of the Oriental Translator at Bombay and is emphatically of opinion that there is no justification whatsoever for not having independent arrangements in Bombay for the translation of Sindhi papers.”
14. “This conference strongly condemns the present policy of officials to suppress all out spoken Indian newspapers of Sind by putting a ban on them and is of opinion that the orders of Government issued to registered libraries not to subscribe for the Hindvasi, the Larkana Gazette and the Sind Patrika are absolutely unjustified and constitute an interference with a legitimate attempt to educate public opinion on the rights of the people. This conference therefore strongly urges the reversal of the above policy and the withdrawal of the above orders.”
15. “This conference is strongly of opinion that Swadeshi should be encouraged by all lovers of the motherland even at a sacrifice and all efforts should be made to popularize the products of indigenous industries”.
16. “This conference congratulates the Home Rule League on their sending deputations to England and wishes them complete success in their mission under the trusted leadership of Lokmanya Tilak.”
17. “This conference authorizes the president to communicate to Lokmanya Tilak an expression of its opinion that it has the fullest confidence in him.”
18. “This conference strongly deprecates the difficulties experienced in obtaining passports in Karachi and Upper Sind and urges the Government of Bombay so to modify the passport rules as to remove all unnecessary restrictions.”
19. “This conference regrets that the Commissioner in Sind in revising Rules has not taken into consideration the bulk of the recommendations contained in the resolution on the subject passed at the Shikarpur Conference. The Commissioner has raised the value of the gross produce in the case of lift lands from two assessments to three in order to entitle a Khatedar to claim remission of land revenue to the extent of one third the gross produce, but this conference is of opinion that this gives very little relief to the Khatedar. The conference therefore still insists that the revenue claimable in bad years should be limited to one sixth the assessment. The conference further strongly demurs to the Commissioner in Sind’s statement that ‘Remission is given as a matter of grace and not as a matter of right’. It as been repeatedly admitted by Government, in justification of the heavy rates of assessment that remission of land revenue in Sind is an integral part of the Irrigational Settlement. This conference is therefore further of opinion that Rule 24 of the new rules stands in need of modification.”
20. “This conference strongly urges the abolition of the rules under which a survey number lying fallow for five years is forfeited unless it pays assessment in the fifty years and that those provisions of the Land Revenue Code and the rules there under which vest in Government the powers of denying to the original occupant the proprietary right to same on restricted tenure or on short leases, should be immediately repealed.”
21. “That in the opinion of this conference the interference of Government with the proprietary right of zamindars over trees standing on their private canals is not justified by law and therefore urges Government to order the amendment of the Commissioner in Sind’s circular on the subject so as to prevent encroachment on the private property of zamindars”.
22. “This conference adopts the Rules of the Sind Provincial Congress Committee and the Sind Provincial Conference passed by the subjects committee”.

5TH SINDH PROVINCIAL CONFERENCE, KARACHI.

PRESIDENTIAL SPEECH

30TH MARCH 1918

5TH SINDH PROVINCIAL CONFERENCE KARACHI

I fail to find to express the gratitude I feel for the great and the signal honour which you have been pleased to do me for electing me to preside over deliberations on this memorable occasion in our capital city of Province. I realize that this honour is the highest distinction which is the power of my country-men, next to the Congress President ship, to bestow. But when I realize the responsibility attached to this honour, I sincerely feel that worthier shoulders than mine would leave better sustained the burden.

When however, I received your mandate in the midst of my humble work at first hesitated, but then I felt my duty to obey and here I am, for better or for worse.

At a time like this, I feel that what is required is a bold, emphatic and respectful declaration of our grievances, desires and aspirations. I shall endeavour to fulfill this task to the best of my ability and will rely on your indulgence for my short-comings.

THE KING EMPEROR

Gentlemen - Our first duty today is to lie at the feet of our august and beloved Sovereign George V king an emperor, our unswerving fealty, our unshaken allegiance and our enthusiastic homage. The throne in England is above all parties beyond all controversies.

It is the permanent seat of the majesty, the justice, the honour and the beneficence of the British Empire.

And in offering our homage and our fealty to its illustrations occupant, we not only perform a loyal duty but also express the gratitude of our hearts for all that is noble and high-minded in England’s connection with India. The late Queen Empress Victoria the Good and her worthy son, King Edward the peace maker are known to have exercised within the limits of their constitutional position vast influences for good in favor of a policy of justice and sympathy towards India. Our present king emperor had announced his resolve to walk in the foot-step of his father and grand mother. We have therefore our fullest trust in him and the British Parliament that a policy of righteousness wills the pursued towards India in the decision of India’s claim to self-government within the Empire, after Mr. Montagn goes lack and submits his report on the subject. “We only claim that we should be in India what Englishmen feel to be in England and in the Colonies.”

Tribute to the Dead

Ladies and Gentlemen- We have every year to mourn the loss of some of our brilliant and enthusiastic workers, who pass away leaving us poorer in the ranks of our public men.

Since we met last at Shikarpur, the cruel hand of death has snatched away from us Mr. Achalsing Advani, a leading pleader of Karachi, a man of great intellectual abilities, undaunted courage brilliant powers of expressions and un bounded enthusiasm. He was the rising star in the political horizon and a man of great personality who took keen interest in unifying political forces in Sindh. It was only last year at Shikarpur, that while addressing you from the conference platform, this young man gave you a promise that he will thoroughly master the Sindhi language at today’s Conference. But it was not to be. It was he who pressingly invited the conference to Karachi this time. He has passed away. How greatly do we miss today his familiar and sweet face from this plat-form!

Next, gentlemen, we have to mourn the loss of that great and towering personality-the Pioneer of modern nationalism, who was our pilot under storm and stress-Our India’s grand old man, Mr. Dadabhai Noureji. He was India’s greatest leader and friend. No language suffice to describe his deeds, and service to his country, his splendid courage and his unfaltering devotion in the cause of Home Rule. His name is a bye-word in every family in India. To him is due the word “Swaraj”.

Another great patriot and friend of India, -Sir William Wedderburn has been removed by death. He was the last of that noble trio who for long years and under the most trying circumstances toiled hard and incessantly and unselfishly for the uplifting of India. Most of us knew Sir. William personally as the judge of our Sadar court and then of Bombay high court. Twice was he president of Indian National congress at Bombay and Allahbad. Any one like myself, who had the good fortune to know him personally, will testify how he inspired, elevated and educated those who came under his influence by the nobleness of his nature, his world-wide sympathies, his profound earnestness, his ceaseless devotion to the cause and by his indomitable faith in the British sense of justice and in the principle that right and justice will eventually triumph. He was not daunted in his inestimable exertions even by the clammy end obloquy which is own countrymen heaped on hi head. He was deeply touched and greatly distressed by the sad plight of the poor Indian raiyat and like Mr. Dadabhai his whole heart was taxed upon devising, advising and insisting on measures calculated to alleviate their unfortunate condition. Sir. William at the age of 72 came all the way from England in 1910 to preside at Allahbad session of the Congress in order to cement the bonds of unity between Hindus and Mahamadans.

We have suffered another great loss in the cause of Indian nationalism in the depth of Hon: Mr. A. Rasul of Calcutta. He in his intense passion for his motherland recognized that the cause of Mahomedans was indissolubly bound up with that of the Hindus and took a leading part in effecting that rapprochement between the two communities which has been so valuable in a political unification. And yet another eminent and distinguished Indian, an enthusiastic worker in the cause of our motherland the great promoter of the Hindu University, Sir Sunder Lal has just passed away. His death is indeed a great loss to the country.

Gentlemen our gratitude to those dear and noble souls will be best paid, in the words of our noble leader Mrs. Annie Besant:- “By following in their foot-steps, so that we may win the Home rule which they longed to see with us and shall see ere long from the other world of life in which they dwell today.”

WAR AND HOME RULE

Brother delegates;- The great war still continues. Our leader Mrs. Annie Besant said early in the course of the war. “That the war could not end until England recognized that autocracy and bureaucracy perished in India as well as in Europe”. Did not bishop of Calcutta declared the other day that, it would be hypocritical to pray for victory over autocracy in Europe and to maintain it in India? The one prominent feeling, that arises in the minds of all of us, is one of the deep admiration for the self imposed burden which Britain is bearing in the world’s struggle for liberty and freedom and a feeling of profound pride that India had not fallen behind other parts of the British Empire, but has stood shoulder to shoulder with them by the side of the Emperor mother in the hour of her sorest trial. In the great galaxy of heroes there are now and there will never cause to be beloved Indian names testifying to the fact that our people would rather die unsullied then outlive the disgrace of surrender to a bastard civilization. Our conviction is firm that by the guidance of that divine spirit which shapes the destinies of nations, the cause of right will ultimately triumph and the close of struggle will usher a new era in the history of human race,

Gentlemen. When England took my arms in the cause of Liberty and freedom, we in India believed whole-heartedly that England was fighting for the course of freedom of all nationalities including India. However, as war went on, India slowly release what it was loath to believe that antipathy towards autocracy were meant only for the west and liberty and freedom were being preached and promised for the white races. India was markedly left out of calculation in the speeches of statesman dealing with the future of Empire. When ministers of Empire and leaders of men in England were waxing eloquent over the new consciousness that had arisen and which would eventually lead to a reconstruction of Empire on an enlarged bases, and whenever part of the colonial Empire was preparing to assert its existence and its opportunity, our leaders in India realized that it was that it was time for them to awaken and lay the claims of their land before the exponents of British sense of fair play. The Congress and the Muslim League then placed their modest schemes before the Government. Naturally this action of our leaders was at first ridiculed , the resented and finally oppose by Anglo Indians. It was said that the step was premature, we were told that we were embarrassing the Government in war times, even our loyalty was doubted. We were told that we were not yet fit for even agitating for liberty, that we were not yet sufficiently educated, that the agitation was only confined to a few and inspired, that we were in fact harming the cause of India. We were then paternally advised to keep quiet and sleep, till the war was over. In India and specially in Sindh, people know the attempt that was made in mislead the Mahomedan mind by telling them that Home Rule would mean Hindu Rule. But our brethren stood firm in the realization that has dawned, that the interest of Hindus and Muslims must rise or fall together. India saw through various obstacles raised and risen in the realization of this scheme but since the united claim of India’s greatest national bodies was expounded. India had already better experience of breach of promises and pledges. But thanks to our great patriots that agitation was nobly continued and sustained and just as India’s trust in England’s goods faith was being strained nearly to breaking point. came happy news for the declaration of policy by the Secretary of state that self Government will be granted to India. The further welcome news gladdened the heart of India was that Mr. Montagu was appointed Secretary of state for India. This was followed by another announcement that at the invitation of Viceroy, Mr. Montagu was coming to India to hear for himself what India wanted and to confer with the Indian leaders. The Anglo-Indians were put in a rage at this. Most mischievous anti-agitation and vituperative language was restored to by the Anglo-Indians in the Press and on the Platform and in Parliament in order to frighten Mr.Montagu. But there tactics failed and the Secretary of state is in India .He and the Viceroy have received numerous memorials and schemes of reforms. But gentlemen our faith is firmed in the righteousness of the true English-men, all this oppositions, all this vituperation conflicting schemes and suggestions cannot obscure the main issue. India’s claim for a free and unfettered development of national existence and its justification at the present stage.

This attitude of the Anglo-Indian element need cause no surprise. It is a war vested and cherished interest. When the Anglo-Indian element both in state service and in commerce have monopolized the Incrative and the paying situation it is not easy for them to be now willing even for the sack of fairy-play and justice to a abandon the situation without an effort of unprecedented magnitude. The effort is being made. We Indians are claming what true English man term a birthright of citizenship. Right Hon. Mr.Montagu is fresh from the seat of liberty and nationalism and of him we expect to see through the Anglo Indian narrow –mindedness and our needs in the Governance of our country. I am confident Mr.Montagu sufficiently realizes by now whether or not Indians do want Home Rule and what they mean by the home rule. The strength that the labour party is gaining in England is reflecting itself on the world’s political situation. India is not free from the movement and at no distant date that movement will be of incalculable gain to the country. This is a result of the war which has created an atmosphere of love, freedom and liberty and given an impetus to the labour movement without whose co-operation successful prosecution of the war is not possible. With them are co-operating the women organizations which now possess six million votes. Our representatives Mr. Baptista and Mr. Polak and other friends have been doing immense service by creating public opinion in England in favor of India by appealing to the powerful masses of that country.

Mr. Henderson has emphatically declared “Further the labour party accepts the principle of self determinations for all people and believes that this can be secured for England and India by a rapid extension of self governing institutions on dominion lines. Again “We all recognize that all dishonourable and unjust ambitions of world domination, whether they be military, political or commercial must be renounced by every nation.

When we recognize that a popular movement gains strength by the volume of its educational propaganda we at once recognize the good that Mr.Tilak’s campaign of educating the masses does .It is being pursued in Sind by men of sturdy independence, Mr. Durgdas, Mr.Jethmal, Mr.Jeramdas, but what should be every body’s endeavour now is that the movement should spread and he popularized , the volunteers may increase and we must therefore set our faces and be right earnest in that direction by suitable organization . We can and shall succeed as the labour party is succeeding. All that is a concentration of all energies to the winning of our ideal – Home Rule in India and a wide organization of all the elements of the population with a definite propaganda of work . I shall therefore particularly deal with industries and Sawadeshism . National Education and local Self-Government as a part of our propaganda .

It is a matter of vital importance and urgency that we should not abate the volume and force of our efforts but continue with additional vigor and we should send a fully representative and competent deputation to England. They should address the great centres of shipping and manufactures and stir the country there to support India’s claims in Parliament. Let our deputation speak out India’s case plainly and definitely. To an Englishman, no begging of boons ever appeals. He values the man who asserts that “Freedom is our Birth-Right.” “India is no longer on her knees for boons but on her legs for rights” so said Mrs.Besaut. When India gets her rights, the tie between India and England becomes a golden link of mutual love, respect and service.

Swadeshi Movement and our Industries

Brother Delegates:- I will now to a movement which had once spread so rapidly and was hailed with so much enthusiasm all over the country in the year 1905-1966- the Swadeshi Movement.

Next in importance to Swaraj I would give place to this question, interwoven as it always is, with our industrial problem. The industrial domination of our people by another, attracks much less attention that the political domination but is nevertheless a great factor. The political domination is visible on the surface as we see a foreign race openly monopolizing all power and authority and keeping the people in state of subjection. These are facts which we see and feel acutely everyday of our lives and in every act and in every restrictions over our liberty, and in the deprivation of our natural rights as sons of the soil.

As it is true that human feelings often matter more than interest we have been constantly thinking and feeling that we are living under a foreign domination. In fact we had been for a long time engrossed in our struggle for political aspirations and status and never gave thought to our industrial and economic question.

Moreover this industrial foreign domination invaded us in an attractive garb. Articles of greater finish and attractiveness tempted us, so that in the supply of our daily wants, we welcomed the foreign domination though quite unconsciously at first, in preference to articles made by our men, from materials produced by our motherland and by our labor. In fact we were so much` tempted by the attractive exterior that we did not look at the quality of the things etc, and welcomed the shadow for the substance. This evil grew a pace and we owe it to another evil that we were disillusioned. Had it not been for Lord Curzon’s ill-planned and ill-advised measure the crowning act o reactionary Viceroy, the partition of Bengal- the Swadeshi movement would still have remained in his embryo. But from evil cometh good, so it was in the case . the amount of indignation and resentment raised up by Lord Curzon put the whole o Bengal in blaze. The nation rose with one voice and when our Bengalee brothers found that nothing would turn the Viceroy from his set purpose of partitioning Bengal. That all their petitions, all their protests in the press and on the platform, all their memorials to him, to the Secretary of State and to Parliament went unheeded, that Government exercised despotic authority regardless of their cherished feelings and interests and that no protection was forthcoming from any quarter, they resolved to have recourse of swadeshism. Under the then circumstances the movement took the form of boycott in afflicted to Bengal but it spreads to other parts of India in the legitimate form of swadeshism.

There could be my no denying the fact that our Bengali brothers rightly used it as a weapon which after all struck the vital interests of the British cotton industries and achieved the object in view. Not only did the movement, in spite of strong opposition from Angle Indian element, draw anxious attention of the people in England to the grievances of our Benagli brothers but it demonstrated the deep resentment of our brothers at the treatment they were receiving. The result was that even though, Lord Morely the then Secretary of State had declined interference and had declared partition to be a settled fact, our wise Emperor was graciously pleased to unsettle the condemned measure in this memorable speech at the Delhi Durbar.

Thus gentlemen, the movement in Bengal was purely a peoples’ Movement and took the form of boycott of foreign made goods as a political weapon for a definite political purpose under an overpowering sense of necessity. In other parts of India though the movement of pure Swadeshism remained, it received no encouragement at the hands of our government. Thou the government has by now realized that encouragement of Indian resources is its only salvation. Can it ever be disputed that swadeshi movement is both a ….. and an economic movement ? Swadeshi means “one’s own country” it implies that we must support our indigenous arts and industries. It is … only an industrial movement but it affects the very existence of a nation. At its highest it is deep, passionate, fervent and all embracing love of the Motherland and this love manifests itself not only in one’s sphere of activity but it invades the whale man. Its very though thrills him and its actual touch lifts one out of oneself. Love of Swadeshism is like the love one possesses and manifests for his chichi just as the pad has truly asked:-

“Breathes there a man with soul so dead,

Who never to himself hath said,

This is my own, my untire land”?

Gentlemen we need today that gospel of devotion which is conveyed by the above. This soul striving devotion should be manifested by the high and the low, by the prince and the peasant, by every Indian in the town and the village, on the hills and on the plains, towards Swadeshim. How soul stirring and sweet is our Swswdeshi- Bande matram- it is Swadeshism which presents itself to the mass of our people in a form which they easily comprehend. It is Swadeshims which turns the thoughts of the masses towards their political status and enables them to take interest in the economic development of their Mother-land. It is Swadeshims which teaches the lesson of unity and co-operation with one another for an national end. It is Swadeshism which inspires all India with thoughts and acts of sacrifice for the sake of the Mother-land. Believe me gentlemen it is my conviction that our political success will in a great measure be accelerated by swadesghism. In fact we shall ultimately find the true salvation of India in this movement.

Let us take the economic aspect of the question. There can be no gainsaying the fact that foreign industrial domination of India under British rule has been the cause of industrial down-fall and consequent poverty of India.

The political and administrative results of British Rule have to their debit the shutting out of a whole race from positions of real trust and responsibility and thus denying to them opportunities for developing their powers of initiative and training. Similarly the forcible disarming of the whole people has a disastrous effect upon their manhood and material spirit and denying to them free education at state expense and distrust of the educated have had the effect of keeping the masses in perpetual ignorance. But in this respect there are some redeeming features and compensating advantages such as the liberalizing effects of western education and institutions, advantages of Railways, Telegraphs, Post Offices and other modern appliances of modern material civilization. There are also the blessings of peace and of order firmly established; so that in the midst of this terrible world war we in India are living quite peacefully.

But I am sorry this cannot be said of the industrial domination, there is not a single redeeming feature in the industrial field. Just glance at history to see what India was before, the statements of visitors from foreign parts of historians, of invaders, and of poets contain ample testimony of the tempting prosperity of India and high standard of it s arts, crafts and industries. Silk goods, cotton goods and woolen goods used to be freely exported from India. The superiority of India’s silk and fine cotton manufactures had at one time attracted the marked attention of foreign countries. In the year 1813 Calcutta reported to London cotton goods alone to the value of 20,00,000/ history shows that only some 300 years back ships built in India sailed up the Thames to London and were regarded with envy and admiration because of their admirable workmanship. We had plenty of good sailors, and enterprising merchants and artisans who enriched the country at the same tiem that they enriched themselves. This same industrial India whose initiative has been the glory of the world at one time has been so crippled that it has become dependent for its daily supplies upon foreign countries.

The East India Company came to India under a Royal Charter to trade. Its first effort was to supplant the industries of the country and make room for those of Western manufacturer and to adopt measures to crush the local industries. This has been acknowledged by eminent English writers. The Campaign began as early as 1769. the directors in their letter dated 17th March of that year sent orders that silk winders should be made to work in the company’s factories only, on pain of severe punishment. In 1828 heavy duties on piece goods from India were in force:-

1. on Colicoes, 3/6/8d on importation and a further duty of 68/6/8d if consumed at home.
2. Muslin 10 on importation and 27 for home consumption.
3. Coloured goods 3/6/8d for importation and so on.

Wilson the historian says that till these prohibitive duties had been imposed by England, Indian piece good, could be sold for a profit in the British markets at prices from 50 to 60 percent. Lower than those manufactured in England. He says further “Had not prohibitive duties existed , the mills of Paisley and Manchester would have been stopped in their outset and could scarcely have been set in motion again even by power of steam. They were created by this forced sacrifice of India. India could not retaliate. This act of Sefl-defence was not permitted her. She was at the mercy of a stranger. British goods were forced upon her without paying any duty and the foreign manufacture employed the arm of political injustice to keep down and ultimately strangle a competitor with whom he could not have contended on equal terms.”

Things had become much worse in 1833 and severe measures were introduced against weavers. Montgomery Marfin writing in 1837 complained in strong language of the cruel selfishness of English commerce. He wrote under the pretence of free trade. “England has compelled the Hindus to o receive the products of the steam looms of Lancashire, Yorkshire, Glasgow etc, at mere normal rates; while the hand wrought manufactures of Bengal and Bihar beautiful in fabric and durable in near have had heavy and almost prohibitive duties imposed in importation to England “ by these means the industrial capacity of India was so ore poured that while Calcutta had exported to London cotton goods of value of 20,00,090/- in the year 1813, the same Calcutta imported British cotton goods of the value 20,00,000/- in the year 1830 i.e. only within a short period of seventeen years. In that year 1930 Sir John Malcome Governor f Bombay pointedly called attention to the ruin of Indian industries and growing poverty of our people, but those in power did not hesitate to pursue successfully the policy of converting India into a land of raw produce for the benefit of England.

Let us quote from list:- “England forbade the cotton wears of our own seat Indian traders, she prohibited them absolutely. She would have no thread of them. She would have none of those cheap and beautiful wares. She preferred to consume her own dear and inferior stuffs……..Enland gained power, immeasurable power--- India the very reverse, dependence.” Macaulay himself wrote “The marvelous expansion of English industries was contemporaneous with the impoverishment of India.” Thus there was the Indian manufacturer sacrifieced from time to time.

Even after the Government was taken away from the hands of the East India Company the policy of free trade from England, not free trade between India and England, was persistently pursued.

Another disturbing cause was the alienation, by Government of our country of rich lands and minerals to foreigners. The khopra and coir industries on the west coast were let into the German hands. Similarly several other industries were allowed to be absorbed by Germany. The door of Indian markets was left wide open to the competition of the whole world to the ruin of India, though England’s own policy had been one of protection of its own industries against the whole world, till England had completed building up its vast industrial system.

Gentlemen, the duties of the Government in an industrial country like India are:-

1. Te have a thorough industrial and Geological survey of the whole country and to publish the results.
2. To afford financial and technical aid.
3. To protect against foreign competition
4. To encourage opening of industrial banks.
5. To start model pioneer factories on the report of government experts and hand them over to privates capitalists if successful and to close them it they prove otherwise.
6. To purchase all government requiremen5ts in India, preference being given to locally made articles even if they are little dearer in price or inferior in quality.
7. Establishment of Museums and traveling libraries and holding of periodical exhibitions in different parts of the country.

I leave it to you gentlemen to consider how far our government has performed any of the above duties during its reign of one hundred and fifty years. Though it is aware that our country is rich in it natural resources, its export figures show that abundant raw material is yearly sent out of India.

Is it not therefore surprising that India should be ale to produce all raw materials and supply the European world but should unable to manufacture goods for its own consumption ? while the total imports before the war were over 100 crores, total exports were over 150 crores. Deducting from this precious metals that come to this country to redress a part of the balance and payments for the salaries and pensions of officers in England it will be found that a loss of 2o to 30 crores has thus to be borne by India every year. As the late lamented Hon. Mr. Gokhale had pertinently put the case, supposing 150 crores go from your financial house every year and 120 crores come in, will you be growing richer or poorer? The result is that there is no doubt that India is daily growing poorer. Do not be led away by the fact that a few individual s appear to possess money to invest or a few mills have been built. Consider the case of the majority of 315 millions of the people of India. We are poorest in the world and England (now we may say America) the richest. Production per head in India is Rs. 30/- according to government calculation and Rs. 20/- according to Indian calculation while in England it is Rs. 900/- her head (i.e) 20 times more.

Look at our agriculturist who form nine-tenths of the population in Sindh. Who can ever deny that they are living in extreme poverty ? The men, who till the soul from morn t night, who can hardly afford to have one change of clothes in a year; what are their belongings ? A straw hut, which can give them little protection against the sun and storm, a pair of bullocks often under mortgage, a few earthen pots, a few cattle to give milk, and growing debts, are all they have. They begin the year by borrowing for seed, Takavi and bare necessaries of life and end it by paying either the interest alone or a part of the debt. This goes on year after year. Of course the crushing load of Rasai also lies on their shoulders.

Plague is ravaging all our towns and villages in Sind and who can deny that mostly the people in poverty succumb to the epidemic. Only recently when plague visited Shikarpur, the weavers, the blacksmiths the washermen, the petty hawkers, the day labourers reached a state of starvation within a few days of their being out employment, and relief works had to be opened for them. This then gentlemen is the condition to which people are reduced.

The war stopped the door to German goods getting into the Indian markets and here was the golden opportunity for India. India is poor; therefore without state aid what could be done? Our leaders cried themselves hoarse on the platform and in the press but bas anything tangible been done by the government to enable India to supply the place of German goods even for its own consumption ? and it was Japan that stepped in and captured Indian markets. The government knows it, and it cannot be denied that it has flooded the Indian markets with Japan made goods.

The Government of Bombay finding that on account of war, the hand—loom industry, match, copper, brass pot, silk and gold and silver thread industries had severely suffered, appointed an advisory committee as far back as 1615-1916 to enquire into the conditions of indigenous industries and to suggest means for improving the existing industries establishing new ones. This committee enquired into the oil- pressing, match, sugar-cane, butter, glass, bamboo, paper pulp and other industries and made in each case certain recommendations to Government. Three years have passed but the Bombay government instead of taking full or partial action immediately, have remanded the report as received for further consideration, and there it rests.

The war has no doubt turned the attention of Government to the wisdom of utilizing India’s immense natural resources. The viceroy has spoken of organizing these resources with a view to making India more self-contained and less dependent. It is a hope; we heartily welcome this but we have grown septic and can get little consolation until we see something tangible being does actually for previous experience and long suffering have made us rather difficult.

The action of the Government of India has been confirmed to the appointment of a commission to investigate the possibilities f Indian Industries. We want to see the good it does; but when this commission declined to investigate the deliberate charges of Sir Pirbhoy Karimbhoy and Lala Herkishenlal concerning the positive discouragement and opposition dealt out to Indian concerns and unfair preference to the European ones, it shook Indian’s credit in its good intentions. It would have been better, if their charges had been investigated; confidence would have been restored and a cloud removed.

The Indian Railway companies do no provide proper transport facilities for indigenous goods and their rates of freight are very prejudicial. Even the sea-port rates are favourable to foreign imports. In the matter of carrying goods, the impression appears to have gone deep in the Indian mind that Indian producers are refused the same facilities by the Railway and shipping authorities all over the country which are easily extended to industries under European management.

Is it any wonder then that can have the power to impose duties on foreign goods to protect itself and permit Indian industries to develop and prosper.

Gentlemen, in this deplorable state of affairs, I appeal to you to help yourselves and come to the country’s help. Let us give whole-hearted encouragement to our Swadeshi movement. The present is the juncture: for even free traders and the Government will have nothing to urge against this ours will be a voluntary preference on the part of consumers to promote our own industries. We have cotton at our own doors and can easily employ any amount of labour of our own. We have about 200 cotton mills at a cost of 20 crores (though Lancashire alone has invested over 200 crores) with five million spindles and fifty thousand power-looms. These are mostly worked by Indian employees and in addition we have about a quarter of a million persons engaged in hand-looms in the country.

Of the industrial population of India very much larger portion is engaged in the indigenous industries carried on in village houses and bazaars. In our efforts to improve the condition of our people, we should help the works in the mills and the dwellers in the cottage; and this we can do only by preaching and practicing Swadeshism. The humble weavers in towns and villages and the braziers, the copper-smiths, the ironsmiths, the potters and the carpenters in Sind who carry on their ancestral vocations in their ancestral homes, all deserve our help and encouragement. Let us make a vow to help these men by giving them that help an protection which has been hitherto refused by Government , by wearing their manufactured goods, by creating a demand for their manufactures and by preaching to all to wear and use in all domestic needs India – made articles. Indigenous industries and Indian mills are already turning out articles of good make and finish and they are bound to improve as the demand increases and they get decent prices. What is needed is only the opportunity. But true Twadeshism lies in consuming indigenous articles in their early stage when their quality is inferior or price higher. In Sind it is a pity there is not a single cotton mill worth the name. We have a small one at Shikarpur owned by Seth Mulechand but there is not much of encouragement to it. We had once swadeshi stores in Karachi, Hyderabad, Sukkur, Shikarpur and Larkana but one by one they closed down for want of encouragement. Let us restart these and have traveling vendors of Swadeshi Goods. It is a matter of gratification that our patriotic men from Sind like Messra Mehta, Lokamal Chellaram, Sri Krishen Lula, Chainrai Virbhandas and others have already opened a Swadeshi stores at Karachi on sound basis and I would appeal to all of you to help this cause whole-heartedly. Let us open a museum of Swadeshi Stores at Karachi where all information on the subject could be had. When England did all I have described above in the name of its Swadeshism, why cannot we?

EDUCATION

We now turn to our educational system under the present form of Government.

Education is the foremost factor in the evolution of a nation. The educational policy of our Government has the same disadvantages as I have outlined with regard to the Government of this country. In the words of one of the greatest educationists of o0ur own times Mr. G.S, Arundale, I say most emphatically and without any fear of contradiction, that “Good education is no substitute for national education”. To quote the same distinguished educationalist once more, “India refuses any longer to be an educational dependency of Great Britain.”

Judging by the results that present educational system has produced in India demands the slow and tardy progress that this system has made inspite of our insistant demands for a substantial advance along the lines that have been approved of by Western Nations and our neighbouring Indian states – judging by these facts the impression grows stronger and stronger on our minds that nothing great can possibly be achieved in the domain of education without National system of education. Home Rule and National education must march hand in hand. Both are component part of one whole and India cannot be ranked as a Nation unless India possesses both in their entirely. Indiathat had the broad and well-deserved title of Jagat Guru is now on her knees receiving driblets of reforms in education and India to whose shores came several distinguished scholars for the sake of knowledge, has now to send her sonsto foreign countries for education. This deplorable condition has to be remedies or overcome and I venture to suggest that National Education is the only remedy for all these evils. The system of education in India is too much a Government affairs. Sir Michail Hicks Beach, one of the leading English statesmen said the other day at Aligarh that the universities should be entirely free from the Government control an that the Government ought to have nothing to do with universities. What is the system in England and it works well. The Universities of Oxford, Cambridge, Durham, Dubliu, Glasgow and Edinburgh have all grown out of private endowments given by kings, nobles and other gentlemen and they all rest on donations from philanthropic men. What is therefore wanted here is that the country itself should build up universities and schools so that the curriculum should be on national lines, for the nation and the institutions should be linked together. That like England, such universities are possible in India and response ample is evidenced by the institution of the Hindu and Mahomedan Universities. The aim of education under the present system seems to be to enter Government service or the learned profession and to this end to pass examinations. This has led to cramming the boys, heads with a lot of disjoined facts poured as if into a basket to be emptied out again in the examination hall and the empty basket to be taken away again into the outside world. Mrs. Besant said in one of her speeches “To exhault the strength, to destroy the energy, to turn out a sickly worn-out man when the youth should be bringing over the life, has been the result of the system of education prevalent here.”

To be truly useful, education must be founded on a knowledge of the past of the country as well as its present and should adapt itself to meet at every point the growing needs of an ever increasing Nation. Education should therefore be physical, moral, mental and spiritual. The colour-bar in Educational service, begotten of distrust, has been a profile source of discontent and has on account of forces inferiority made our Indian Professors and teachers less enthusiastic for work and research. The recent instance of Professor Shahani’s suprecession inspite of his recognized experience and ability – inspite of his educational attainments, in favour of a young man is a standing monument of this colour bar. The Government of Bombay paused for a while over the opposition that the dinner canvassing against Professor Shahani evoked – but after all threw aside Professor Shahani’s claims.

In addition to these defects, the so called “serene atmosphere of eduction” produced by Lord Gurzon’s retrograde policy and by subsequent Government orders and circulars, this atmosphere has turned teachers into spies or cowards and superintendents are suspected of having assumed the role of C.I.D. officers. The Hon. Bobu, Ambiea Charan Muzumdar, as President of 31st Indian National Congress said, “the sanctity of the temples of learning has been violated and our boys and young men are brought up in the unhealthy atmosphere of what may be called insecure jails. This the people sorely resent and here the first conflict has taken place between a sensitive subject race and autocratic Government, each believing the other to be in the wrong and several other wrongs were embosomed for a considerably long time and several attempts were made for healing them up but a united and determined effort was necessary for the purpose and this was supplied by our revered leader Mrs. Annie Besant with the co-operation and consultation of almost all the leading elite of India too numerous to mention and yet some of them are too illustrious to be omitted. She drew out the Poer Laureate of India, Dr. Sir Rabindra Nath Tagore from his secluded corner into the noble field of action and made him the Chancellor of National University and she picked out Dr. Sir Subramama lyer the ex_chief Justice of Madras and forced him to accept the post of Pro-Chancellor; Lokamanya Tilak’; C.P. Ramswaim Tyer, G.S. Arundale and our worthy patriot Hon. Mr. Bhurgri also answered the call of Bharat Mata, and have lent their support to this movement whose living illustration is granted to the educationally advanced city in Sind viz. Hyderabad where now exists a National College affiliated to the National University. Our official year 1917-18 whereof I have as President of this Conference to chronicle the principal events, has thus been the most memorable and historical one in the domain of education in Sind, Another notable event o the year under review is the passing of Hon, Mr. Patels Free and Compulsory Education bill for Municipalities. This measures will if carried out by all the Municipalities concerned touch one-length of our population only, for nine-tenths live in villages where this Act will yet have no operation. Inspite of this and other disappointing features of the Act, this step forward ought to be counted as a victory. I am afraid very few Municipalities in Sind will take advantage of this Act in the near future on account of their financial difficulties. Gentlemen, after 150 years of British Rule, you find 50 percent of the people are uneducated. On 31st December 1915 out of total population of 310 millions we had only 5.5 million of scholars in primary schools and 1.1 in secondary schools.

While other countries spend 30 percent and more on the education of the people our Government which professors to be so anxious for the welfare of the feeming millions of this ancient land are unable to spare more 5 than P.e. of the State revenue, that is to say, hardly 1/40th part of what is spent in England.

On primary education the expenditure per head of the population is only a few annas. America, with a population has only 5 universities.

To get an idea of the proverbial illiteracy of India, one has only to remember that one of 1,000 males only 110 can read and write : while out of 10,000 females, only 10 can do so.

Comparison of figures has proved that even American negroes are better off than ourselves in this respect.

In the midst of this terrible war, entailing tremendous pecuniary burden on England, Government have sanctioned the new educational scheme of Mr. Fisher involving an additional cost of crores of rupees. Now, I should like to offer a few suggestions for consideration.

1. Sind depends mostly on agriculture and the great bulk of its population is devoted to agricultural pursuits. No satisfactory arrangements appear to have been made hitherto for the amelioration or education of the agricultural masses: In addition to the provision for free and compulsory education, there ought to be agricultural schools, colleges, farms and shows where scientific system of education should be imparted and the ultimate object ought to be to fit the peasants concerned for practical agricultural work on improved lines. Agricultural colleges should be open to all classes and not “restricted to zamindars or any particular class. One of the main problems that agitates the world today is food-power. This problem depends mere upon intensive agriculture than upon extensive. It is by means of this intensive agriculture based on scientific knowledge, that Germany was able to supply food to 75 people out of a hundred acres, whereas England can supply to 45 persons only. In India where agriculture is carried on in a primitive style the yield is negligibly small. Every town and big village ought to be able to teach agriculture on modern lines.

2. Next in importance comes technical education and neglected here is mutual. The two technical schools at Sukkur and Jacobabad are not attractive to students and prospects of advancement in after-life are considerably limited. These schools should impart information and instructions and give training that would help the students in opening small village industries wherewith they may be able to earn their livelihood.

3. Commercial education on sound lines is also a very great necessity at the present juncture when large number of India’s youth must turn their energies in the direction of development the material resources of the land. A chemist or an engineer with mere technical knowledge of industries can never run a successful industry because it should not only be a technical success but the production should be on a commercial basis and for this latter part a sound commercial knowledge is essential. In India, where industries have to be build up, if at all, against powerful rivalry of foreign countries, the case is much stronger for systematic business training. In fact the American principle of vocational institutions should be adopted without any delay.

4. Education in all primary and secondary schools ought to be imparted through the medium of vernacular of the Province for it will smoothen the way to knowledge which the child will tread, leave his intelligence free and enable his observation and reasoning faculties to work on the subjects presented to him without fetters of a foreign tongue.

5. Religious education is imperatively necessary-where religion is not apart of the education given to the youth of a nation, there the nation has no literature worthy to be called great i.e., original. Everywhere history testified to the close relationship between religion and literary genius and the inspiration that the former gives to the latter. Religion is necessary also as the basis for morality and as the inspiration of art. What kind of nation can ever be without literature, without morality and without art? When India was mightiest in peace and war, when her industries were most productive and here commerce most enriching, she was above all a religious nation.

LOCAL SELF-GOVERNMENT

(All Figures quoted under are pre-war)

In India, Local Self-Government may be divided under two heads – urban and rural. Under the first come the municipalities and notified areas and under the second the District and Taluka Local Boards. The Bombay Government started Local Self-Government in its present form in the Presidency in 1860 by starting Municipalities in urban areas and in 1863 in the rural areas by starting rural Boards. Unfortunately District Collectors and other officials in their over-activity and over-zeal subordinated the views and wishes of non-official members to their own notions of what is best for the people and this state of affairs necessitated the passing of the famous resolution on 18th May 1882 by Lord Ripon.

The important functions of these bodies within their respective areas are to take care of people’s (1) Health (2) Education (3) Communication i.e. roads, streets etc.

These local bodies are constituted by nominating or partly by elections and partly by nomination. In our consideration of these representative bodies we must direct attention to (a) the constitution of these local bodies (b) their powers and functions (c) the resources at their disposal.

There are in the whole of India 717 Municipalities, 897 District Local Boards and 517 Taluka or Sub-District Local Boards. In the Bombay Presidency we hae 457 Municipalities and 25 notified areas with 2166 members of whom only 963 entrusted to their care and they had an income of Rs.1,24,73,669. The population in the Municipal areas is about 16 million i.e. about 7 percent of the total population. This is the urban population and the remaining has the highest urban population i.e. 18 per cent while Bengal the lowest i.e. 2 percent .

These bodies are thus of greatest importance as they have charge of the people’s health and education i.e. the two things essential for the uplift of any country.

These institutions of great importance also because they form a stepping stone to Self-Government in India.

In the speech from the Congress platform at Bombay Mrs. Besant said:-

“The training for Self-Government is of vital importance to the nation today. For the Government of States is at once a science and an art: and in order that it may be worthily exercised, the lesson must be learnt in Local Self-Government, than in Provincial autonomy and finally in the Self-Government of the nation, for the work of Government is the most highly skilled profession upon earth………..what then should you do? You should take part in the Self-Government wherever it is possible. As it is, take it and practise it, for you will gain experience and you will gain knowledge; and only that experience and knowledge will guide you when you come to speak in large Councils and make your voice heard in larger areas, So I will plead to your – face this drudgery – it is drudgery, make no mistake, understand the details of local administration and understand how to manage your own drains particularly your water-drudgery, no amount of enthusiasm and love for the country will make your administration a success.

Lord Morley in his Reform Dispatch dated 27th November 1908 said:-

“The village in India has been the fundamental and indestructible unit of the social system surviving the downfall of dynasty after dynasty. I desire your Excellency to consider the best way of carrying out a policy that would make the village a starting point of public life.”

Here then is a vast field in which we can in co-operation with the Government work heart and soul for the amelioration of the conditions of the masses of the people. Let us start with the village Panchayat. The Decentralization Commission in their report recommended the constitution and development of the village Panchayat, possessed with certain administrative powers, with jurisdiction in petty Civil and Criminal cases and financed by a certain portion of the land cess, special grants, receipts from derate recommendation has not been given effect to, in any shape in our province, though several years have since passed.

Another recommendation of the Commission was that the District and Sub-District Boards should contain a large preponderance of elected members. There are 26 District Local Boards and 216 Taluka Local Boards in Bombay Presidency with a member-ship of 3690 of whom only 1644 are elected by the people. These bodies administered to the wants of 1,80,12,044 souls and had an income of Rs.83,39,701. All these Boards without a single exception had official majority and ex-officio Presidents. Only recently about 16 or 17 of them have been given non-official majority and 3 have been given non-official presidents, not elected but nominated. Thus the machinery of Government proverbially slow, moves still more slowly in this direction.

As regards the constitution of elected Municipalities, I consider that time has come for these bodies to consist entirely of elected members. The introduction of the new system of communal representation in the Sind Municipalities does away with the necessity of nomination powers.

The Decentralization Commission recommended (para 6 of Government Resolution) that Municipal Boards should be ordinarily constituted on the basis of a substantial elective majority and that nominated members should be limited to a number sufficient to provide for the one representation of minorities and of official experience. The new rules have already made provision for the “due representation of minorities.” Then here remains the question of official experience.

I think there are good many retired officials of experience in every Municipal area and they manage to get elected on the Board. Moreover experts are good for advice and not for deliberation or decision. Nor are they necessary for every day working of Lord Hinches. See 31 of the Bombay District Municipality Act provides for calling in the aid of express whenever necessity arises. If however the Commissioner in-Sind cannot see his way to give on the whole power of nomination all at once, he may be least, in principles preserve me in the than two seas for experts to be nominated by him on each Municipality . From gratefully acknowledge the progressive steps ………in this direction by our present Commissioner. The Franchise of an elective member and un-official president have been conferred on Rohri and Larkana Municipalities and the other important Municipalities in Sind have been given the right to elect un-official president by ordinary majority . The number of voters has also been ……………………………………in each Municipal area for election purposes.

The present tendency of the Sind Local Government is to foist Government servants in the Revenue Department as Chief Officers on Municipalities. Thus Shikarpur Municipality must have a Deputy Collector as its Chief Officer and Larkana and Rohri are to men from the Revenue Department for employment as their Chief Officers. While recognizing that it is really difficult, for various reasons, for a Municipality to secure a really suitable man by advertisement, the proper remedy lies in establishing Local-Self-Government service on the lines suggested by the Local Self-Government Conference held at Poona, on 27th July last under the Presidency of Hon. Mr. Patel.

In Sind the sanitary condition of our towns and villages is disgraceful. Plague, malaria and other diseases have taken root and mortality has risen to a tremendous figure. While in England mortality is 14 per mile, in Sind it is 40 per mile and in some parts of India it is seventy per mile. The infantile death rate in England is 130 but in India it is 213 for males and 196 for females. Large schemes of sanitary reforms and town planning should be taken in hand in every town and village. Fullest and immediate advantage should also be taken of the compulsory education Act. Our friends Hon. Mr. Bhurgri and Hon. Seth Herchandrai have already taken the matter of compulsory education for Sind seriously in hand.

You will agree me, gentlemen, that considering that these local bodies have to provide for primary and partly for secondary education of the population entrusted to their care, that they have to provide for sanitary requirements and drainage and water supply of the areas in their charge, that they have to provide for adequate means of communication by constructing widening roads and streets and maintaining them, that they have to provide for the medical relief of human beings and animals in their areas and generally speaking that they are responsible to a considerable extent for the well-being and orderly progress of the population within their areas – considering all these duties, the sources of income at their disposal are most inadequate. Unless Government comes to their aid by largest recurring grants, it is not possible for those bodies discharge their lies efficiently- nothing could be done with an empty exchange. We are told we should take ourselves more and increase our income; but is there any margin life? ………………….. say in Sind is that we should impose the House tax in pleasant …………….has not been introduced. I shall take my town for the sake of this ………………………………………….Shikarpur a population of 54,000 souls. Our present Municipal ………………………………………3,20,000 i.e over Rs.4 per head of population. The figures of population ……………………………….for the whole of British India work out an supposing we introduce ………………………………….will it bring? Not more than Rs. Ten of fifteen thousands, deducting ………………………recoveries and other incidental expenses. Will this amount enable as to come……………… a system of drainage and water supply costing over ten lacs or will it provide sufficient funds to carry out costly town planning schemes, or to undertake primary and compulsory education of the masses or to build a central and upto-date hospital?

The bonafide of this form of taxation is considerably detracted from , when, gentlemen, we consider the instance of Larkana where House-tax was imposed by the so-called Municipality (consisting of officials and outsiders) by resorting to objectionable methods in the teeth of united opposition of the people, it was done under the cloak of raising of Municipal income so as to provide for sanitary reforms, and run a High School etc. But the scheme was unmasked, when however simultaneously the Halalkhore cess was cancelled, a cess which light in its burden brought nearly as much income as the proposed House tax was expected to bring and there never had been any complaint against this cess. The purpose it now serves is to molest the people than to benefit them.

The House tax is opposed by the people not because the rich don’t want to tax themselves, not because they don’t take to increase the resources of Local Bodies , not because they have no mind to introduce sanitary reforms etc., but because it is a tax most unsuitable to local conditions. Our officers unfortunately cannot see eye to eye with us – they cannot enter into our feelings - may they even decline to see it or be convinced. In the consciousness of their power “their over –activity and over-zeal they want to subordinate our views and wishes to their to their western notions of what is best for us”.

Gentlemen, you all know that except in some parts of Karachi, in all cities and villages in Sind, house building is taken up by the people for their personal and family requirements and not as a financial enterprise. In 95 percent cease, houses (hardly sufficient for their own needs) are occupied by the owners themselves. Not even 5 per cent of the houses are let out on rent. The rents are extremely low, and bring hardly one per cent on the outlay. This system has its own advantages. While we on our side are enjoying the beneficial result of this ancient system of each family living in their own dwelling houses, residents in Karachi, Bombay and such other places have to face enormous difficulties in the way of extortionate rents, scarcity of houses etc.

The Government of India in their resolution on the Report of the Decentralization Commission pare 14 say:-

“This tax (House and Land tax however is difficult of assessment in many places where it is the custom to men rather than to rent dwelling houses because in such cases the house affords no indication of the financial status of the owner. Many aristocratic but impoverished families live in large buildings which are merely relies of vanished prosperity, while the rich trader often remains content with the humble dwelling in which he was born.”

Again in para 17 it is said:-

“The Commission were of opinion that Municipalities should have full liberty to impose or alter taxation within the limits laid down by the Municipal laws”.

In the face of these opinions of highest authorities I cannot understand how such ill-advised pressure was put upon Larkana and Rohri Municipalities to introduce House-tax in the teeth of united opposition from the people. In his famous Durbar speech at Sukkur on 18thFebruary the Hon. Mr. Lawrence the Commissioner in Sind remarked. “There has been a great deal of talk in some of your towns in Upper Sind about the levying of some small taxation of some Rs. 5,000 or Rs.10,000 by one method in place of another.” No doubt the taxation (house tax) proposed by the authorities was petty in as much as after all it could not bring to any Municipality more than the figures laid down but how can it be said that the good deal of talk of the people was unnecessary. Beyond condemning the talk as it diametrically opposes his own hobby the House-tax, the Commissioner-in-Sind laid not materials before his audience to convince them of its usefulness.

It is the first principale of Local Self-Government that local bodies should have full liberty of selecting their methods of taxation according to local conditions. This has been recognized by the Government of India and the Decentralisation Commission – but discarded by the local Government in Sind.

When this sound principle was deliberately departed from , when the cherished rights and wishes of the people were trampled upon, when very questionable methods were employed to secure majorities to gain a hobby, when the measures was being hastily rushed through just when the elected representatives were about to come in when the protests and petitions of the people were un-headed, the question became one not of House-tax only but of the general rights of liberty of action of what in name was termed Local Self-Government. How can it be said in fairness that under these circumstances the great deal of talk of people was unnecessary.

I am sorry I am unable to agree in the proposition that the House-tax falls upon the rich and not upon the poor. The above cited opinion of the Government of India and the Commission fully bear me out in this. Gentlemen, the keynote of the learned Commissioner’s speech was that in order to secure for our towns the advantages of good sanitation, water supply, electric light and other public amenities we should raise Municipal revenue very considerably.

While I do agree that there is a great necessity of raising the Municipal revenues or the purposes indicated, I am of opinion that the additional revenue must come, in the shape of recurring grants, from the Imperial Government, which takes away all the Income tax, Excise revenues, Stamp duties etc., etc., and land assessment from citizens residing in Municipal areas.

Those who advocate that local bodies must tax themselves more to provide the necessary funds, do so on the ground that the incidence of local taxation is much less in this country than in the west. But they forget that taking the local and imperial burdens together, the people of this country relatively to their resources, contribute no less to the taxation that the people in the western countries. The real truth is that the Imperial Government retains in its own hands very much larger portion of the total taxation than the Imperial or central Governments in the west and there lies all the difference and the inability and poverty of the local bodies to meet their expenditure for improvements.

In the Western countries there are three systems of Local Self-Government; (1) American (2) English and (3) Continental. In America the local authorities have absolutely independent revenues and they also enjoy complete immunity from the control of the state in this respect. In England the local bodies derive a large part of their revenue from their own rates and in addition to that, certain revenues have been made over to them by the Central Government as Assigned Revenue. They also receive certain grants from the Exchequer.

In France the local bodies derive a large part of their revenue by the very simple process of being permitted to add extra centuries to the taxes levied by the Central Government like our village cess of an anna per rupee. Our system of local Government is more on the lines of the French system.

In England it is one of the Local Governments to maintain their poor while in India it is the private people who have to bear this burden in addition to other taxation.

The average income per head in England is $40 and population 45 millions. The total taxation raised by the local bodies and Central Governments was 200 million I.e, 11 percent of the whole national income was raised as taxes for use for all purposes- local and Imperial.

In British India our population is 230 millions. Income per head may be taken at £2 as fixed by Local Curzon though the late Mr. Dadabhai Noaroji calculated it to be £ 1 only. This gives us a total national income of 460 millions.

Total taxation is 50 million i.e. 9.15 percent. Add to this the duty of maintaining our poor private which will come to about 1 percent i.e. 10.1/5 per cent.

That while in England taxation people’s income is 11 percent, in India it is nearly as much. But which we consider the proportion of distribution of the taxes for expenditure between local bodies and Imperial requirements, we realize the magnitude of disproportion and the injustice done to local bodies.

In England out of 200 million raised by total taxation, the local bodies get in all 70+28=98 million that is to say about half of the total revenue is spent by local bodies and the other half by Government.

In France two fifths of the total revenue is left to be spent by local bodies and three fifths by the Government : but in India out of the total revenue of 50 millions, 40 millions are at once taken by Government for their own purposes. Out of the remaining 10million nearly two thirds was administered by the State itself and only about a third was left to be spent by the local bodies i.e. one sixteenth of the total revenue, Here then is the root of all evils. This is the tune reason why our town cannot have sanitary reforms, free education and good communication.

Gentlemen this injustice in the distribution of revenue has gone on too long and it is high time that we should now be given a definite share of what are called the imperial revenues for our municipalities and local boards, or we should be given a great share of the imperial taxes of all sorts levied within municipal areas or be permitted to add extra centimes as is done in France. I should not be understood to mean that we should not exert ourselves to tap the remaining sources of income at our disposal but what I do mean is that it is absolutely necessary for Government to recognize our immense needs and let the local bodies spend at least a third, if not one half of the total revenue derived from India.

You might give the best constitution in the world to local bodies and yet Local Self-Government will never be a success unless their financial resources are improved. On this point the official and the non-official opinions as well as the opinion of the Decentralization Commission are all agreed that the resources of these local bodies are pitifully unequal to a proper performance of functions which have been entrusted to them. The suspension of the Hyderabad Municipality was therefore a great blunder.

Any one who has read the charges laid by Government against that municipality and the replies on each charge, will be struck with the fact that the blame laid by Government at the doors of the municipality should have in fairness been laid at their own doors. The charges, hollow in themselves , simply amount to this, that the Government sanctioned elaborate and costly schemes of town improvement and of removal of congestion without providing the necessary funds as they ought to have done. In carrying out these schemes, the municipality with the approval of the Collector and in some cases for the Commissioner-in-Sind spent a part of the sale proceeds derived from the sales of municipal plots. Instead of appreciating this laudable work done by the municipality without touching the pocket of Government, they have been condemned for an inability not their own. Then all the sins of commission and omission of whomsoever, whether of the Chief Officer or his assistant or the District Court or the Collector have been foisted on the municipality. If the doings of the official presidents or of the present municipal Commissioner of Hyderabad were to be construed and judged of in the same way, they will all have to be summarily dismissed.

Government should never forget that “Self-Government implies the right to go wrong, for it is nobler for a nation as for a man to struggle towards excellence with its own natural force and vitality, however blindly or vainly, than to live in irreproachable decency under expert guidance from without.

FUEL AND SALT

The prices of fuel and salt had gone very high and continued complaints were heard from all parts of the Province. But I am glad the Commissioner-in-Sind has kindly interested himself in the matter and arrangements are made through municipalities to sell salt at the rate of one anna per see and fuel Kaudi at a little over 8 annas md, and lai a little over 6 annas a maund throughout the year. If the municipalities can take up coupes according to their requirements direct from the forest department, they will be able to sell fuel still cheaper to the people, I am sure Government will make reasonable concession in railway charges in such a case.

INCOME TAX

The new Income tax Bill No.21 of 1917 has been passed by the Imperial Legislative Council. Instead of lessening the burden of the tax upon the people, it has augmented it. In India both among the Hindus and Musalmans there is the family system. The head of the family earns and feeds not only his own children but also his father’s, brother’s and sister’s children if they have no other means of support. In these hard times when famine prices of necessaries of life prevail in the market, or oven in ordinary times an income of a thousand rupees per year or Rs.84 million, leave aside their clothing, education and other expenses. To tax such a case amounts to depriving the family of a part of their daily bread.

In England there is not much of family system like India, yet the Income tax law of England exempts incomes under £ 700 as under:

Income not exceeding Amount of abatement

£ 400 £ 160

“ 500 “ 150

“ 600 “ 120

“ 700 “ 70

It also grants an abatement of £ 10 per child under 15 years of age if the total income does not exceed £ 500 i.e. Rs. 7500. It is but fair that in section 12 of the present bill therefore, a scale of graded abatement should be similarly provided and an abatement of at least Rs. 60 per minor child or widowed female should be made if they are dependent for their maintenance on the assessee.

In the new bill an attempt was made to indirectly tax agricultural income but the united action of the elected members saved the situation.

Gentlemen, you will be surprised at the present procedure of assessment. A special Deputy Collector of income tax has been appointed – an officer who has no acquaintance with the local condition of sale and purchase in Sind or of the people. He has to justify his existence. In the method of assessment, a fictitious rate of profit is supposed to accrue to the assessee – and on this rate, the figure is assessed. The intention of the act is that the actual profits should be assessed. May I ask, where is the provision to enable an assessing officer to assume that on a particular commodity the rate of profit should be a fixed quantity. We are told that on provisions 2 to 3 annas profit is assessed and so on various fancy figures on different commodities. We are told that the rates of profit in the Presidency are supposed to exist in Sind. On such fanciful conjectures and figures of sale and profit are calculations made. And again it is a travesty of justice to convert an assessing officer into an appellate authority to stultify itself by reducing income tax if the actual rate of profit shown is lower. The legality of this power of appeal too is doubtful.

In Sind the poor and middle class people are groaning under the weight of this tax. Take the figures of Income tax in shikarpur. The total Income tax was Rs.32,018 in 1916, Rs.43,530 in 1917 and Rs.1,53,711 in the present year!

Before the present year the assessment used to be made by Mukhtiarkars who were thoroughly acquainted with the people and their means and were well-versed in the mercantile system of accounts in Sind. This year at Shikarpur though the people were already crushed by one calamity after another – heavy rains followed by cholera, malignant type of fever and plague, though for over six months all their business had been dislocated and ruined, though they were still morning the loss of some dear relatives, who had been a support of the family, though many had not much left to restart their business, though famine prices are raging, the new income tax officer, specially imported from the Presidency has raised the income tax to a fabulous figure of a lac and seventy three thousand rupees i.e. more than four times the previous year’s figure. I assure you gentlemen, several men of the lower and middle class who were actually driven by calamities to the painful necessity of begging for relief to feed their families, and are not able even to pay off their debts, have been assessed. In 1903 Lord Curzon in his durbar speech at Delhi announced that he was granting a loan to the people by raising assessable income from Rs.500 to 1,000. But what was done in actual practice? The same men who formerly paid Rs.10 as income tax had many of them to pay Rs.20. What has been done in Shikarpur this year, was done in Hyderabad the year before. Sukkur has shared the same fate.

Inability to produce any regularly kept account books is visited with penal assessment. The general public in India and the small dealers are not in the habit of keeping any regular accounts and those who keep them are not in a position, for very good reasons in some cases, to make up a profit and loss balance sheet at a time when wanted to do so, by the assessing officer; and this is visited with heavy assessment.

Unjustified pecuniary burdens are far more bitter than temporary aberrations of justice; and when people just groaning under various diseases and calamities are brought face to face with these conditions, the situation becomes harder, and therefore it is our function as a united body to raise our voice and tell the rulers the facts as they are. In the new act there ought to have been:-

(a) Abatement clauses on the lines of the English Act as shown above; allowing deduction of Rs.10 per child and widowed female relation besides graded abatement.

(b) The assessing work should be done by a board consisting of one Government assessing officer and at least two mashirs like what government does in the case of grant of remissions of land revenue.

(c) The appeal should lie to the District Court or to a board, or at least the Judicial Commissioner’s court should have ample powers of revision.

(d) The assessing officer should be required to state in writing in each case detailed figures, and brief but intelligent reasons, for fixing each assessment so that the assessee should be able to know and meet the same. In England there is a right of appeal to the Court of Appeal and the Parliament.

(e) The assessee should have the right to get copies, on payment, of the assessing officer’s order containing facts and figures of assessment.

(f) The right of appeal or revision should not be made conditional on the assessee’s having made a return or having complied with all the terms of notice as section 22 purports to do.

(g) Section 35 empowers the Collector to charge double the amount of income tax in case of default. This should be done away with altogether. At the most a notice fee of annas 8 or utmost interest for the period of default may be charged. In many cases default is unintentional. When people run away from their houses owing to the outbreak of any epidemic or other cause, or fall ill, or do not know that they have seen many such cases of poor people who are made to pay the penal amount of the tax for no fault of theirs and they are condemned unheard for having made default.

In this speech in the Imperial Legislative Council on 27th February 1912 the Hon. Mr. Gokhale pressed the same pints, and said- “ The principle of abatement should be introduced in this country. It is a just principle and is found in operation in many civilized countries …………………….The chief grievance with income tax is the manner in which it is collected. The assessments are notoriously haphazard and there is no real relief in the shape of appeals as they are now hard. Some better machinery has got to be devised in order to give relief to those – and their number is very large – who suffer from the vagaries of the assessing officers.”

RASAL-LAPO-CHER

Gentlemen, you all know very well what these abuses are and what great hardships and misery they work upon our peasantry, upon the zamindars and the village banias.

Can it be denied that during the cold season every year, contribution in the shape of kids, lambs, goats, grass, fuel, grains and cash are levied from the peasantry and the zamindars according to a fixed scale for the officers touring? Who has not seen stores and depots where all the collections are kept for being used for the year. These of us who are zamindars know well weather these contributions are cheerfully given as presents for the use of the officers, for their private revenue, for their often establishment including the peons, for their horses, riding and loading camels and for the host of attendants; or whether they are submitted to through fear of consequences. So about cher and lapo. Tapedars and the supervising tapedars have not given up levying the lapo or anangi. But why to blame them? They can’t be expected to make heavy rasai from their meager slaries. Do they not say so plainty? Any one who has been in the country just before any high official is expected to encamp there, will have observed how hundreds of the poor peasantry are dragged from their homes and cultivations and made to toil not only the whole day but over night to finish the work of preparing roads, landhies, and camping grounds in a given time which of course is short. It is awful to imagine the misery entailed on these unfortunate beings by an officer suddenly changing his campus from those previously notified. I had once an occasion to witness such a sight. The cher had to work the whole day and night by torch light to prepare the new command the new road. Little do the officials know or realize the attendant misery: of course when I informed the official concerned, he was really sorry for it.

There have been efforts made by individual officers in the past to cheek the almost, by issue of circulars and by themselves setting the example; and in this respect I must give credit to the Hon. Mr. Lawrence, Mr. Martin, Mr. Monie and Mr. Rothfield. But no united and sustained efforts have been made by the Government of Sind to eradicate the evils.

A soon as any officer who has interested in checking the abuses, leaves his charge and is succeeded by another whose tendencies are not known, the subordinates again resort to rasai in order to please the new officer who happens to look upon it indifferently, with the result that the practices begin again and are in full swing.

Thus the evil has never been crushed or abolished but it has only occasionally diminished by individual officers. It is also to say that touring officer can’t purchase food, stuffs except through the tapedars or the zamindars. Even in towns and big villages where every requirement could be purchased in the bazaars, it is the tapedar who is made the supplier. It is equally idle to say that the provisions etc taken at any camp are adequately paid for. This under-charging is resorted to by the supplier not because he does not want full payment but because he fears the frowns of the officers and thinks that it will otherwise cost him either his service or his promotion. Their fears on occasion are not unjustified.

Inspite of circulars’ of the Commissioner in Sind, the rasai continues and the tapedar or ther supervising tapedar does levy rasai contributions and lapo from the zamindar, who in his turn, collects from his haris. I am very glad that our indefatigable and energetic representative the Honourable Mr. Bhurgri has already moved this matter in the Bombay Council and succeeded in having got a committee appointed to investigate the matter and it is indeed a matter of gratification that we have officers amongst us who are prepared to co-operate in the eradication of this evil in Sind. The members to be appointed on this committee should be men of independence and education from Sind. Some independent men in touch with raiyat and the zamindars should be on it. With the co-operation of such officers and the committee I am sure the Hon. Mr. Bhurgri will find his task made easy and some effective remedy will soon be found to root out the abuses. Only the other day some police servants staioned in a small village in Garhi Yasin taluka had exacted so much of rasai from the villagers that after 3 days the shopkeepers had to shut up their shops and run away from the village. On their approaching the D.S.P. Mr. Kirkpatrick, a genuinely sympathetic officer, the police were ordered to clear out from the village. The culprits ought to be severely punished in order to warn others that it is not legitimate even for police to exact such rasai.

FALLOW RULES

Follow rules are peculiar to Sind only. Ordinarily such numbers as are brought under cultivation are liable for assessment : but rule 4 empower the Government to levy assessment even without cultivation the 5th year, if the land has remained fallow for 4 preceding years; the unjustness of such a rule is apparent and works great hardship in practice. Though in their resolution No. 1836 of 25th August 1884, the Government of Bombay, clearly held out a definite assurance that follow rules which charged assessment on time expired fallow numbers would be done away with, yet the pledge remains still unredeemed of course.

Mr. Muir Mackenzie, the late Commissioner is Sind while inviting opinions on this from various officers observed : “It is occurred to the Commissioner that the rule might be abolished altogether. In a bad year its operation is always suspended and in a good year when all hand is pretty certain to be cultivated for which water is available ordinarily there will be little occasion to enforces it. The forfeiture of fallow lands is moreover merely nominal since forfeited lands almost always given back to the original proprietors. The amount of revenue realized in the shape of fallow assessment recovered when forfeited lands are restored to original occupants, is not large compared with the total revenue of the province. The abolition of the rule too is likely to result in an appreciable saving of work all round.” There could be no better denunciation of this rule than this opinion of the head of the provinces.

The maintenance of this rule involves untold hardship on the zamindars. When through circumstances over which a zamindar has no control such as the exhaustion of land or over-growing of weeds, land which has remained fallow for four years could not be cultivated in the fifth, how could the zamindar be asked in fairness to make a gift of one assessment to Government. In consequence of this rule in the fifth year the zamindars try to induce haris by extra payments in addition to seed etc. to cultivate the unfit land with the result that very often there is total failure of crop entailing tremendous loss to the zamindar in addition to payment of Government assessment.

The grounds upon which Government claims the maintenance of the rule have been discussed thread-bare by the Hon. Mr. Bhurgri and the Hon. Seth Harchandrai in their presidential addresses in 1916 and 1908 respectively and it is not necessary for me to cover the same ground over again. By cogent arguments and by citing chapter and verse they have made out a strong case for Government to abolish the rule and I fully endorse their views.

If Government cannot see its way to abolish the rule altogether they should atleast make the payment of one penal assessment co-extensive with the period of settlement instead of five years. It is also worthwhile for our honourable representatives in the Council to bring up a motion on the subject every time till the rule is abolished.

BANK SIDE TREES

Among the chief grievances of the Sind zamindars the orders of the Commissioner in Sind about the bankside tress on private water courses, in one. The karias are excavated and cleared by the zamindars themselves at their own cost and the trees are planted, nurtured, and maintained by the zamindars similarly. The produce of these tress is also enjoyed by the zamindars. The incidents of ownership lie with the zamindars. There is thus no hand in their creation or growth. I am aware that the portion of the land no hand in their creation or growth. I am aware that the portion of the land covered the karia is deducted from the area of the land for the purpose of assessment but the land revenue charged includes the water-rate of the zamindar to the trees grown and maintained by him and not by Government though the usufruct is admittedly the zamindars. Government claims ownership of the land under the water courses but Government similarly claims to be the power paramount of all the survey numbers and yet the tress grown in the survey numbers are recognized to be the legitimate property of the zamindar. For many years there was no interference by Government with the rights of zamindars over these trees and no permission was required for cutting them. Latterly however a circular (No.29) went forth and warned the royat that such trees no longer were their property. This circular seems presumably to be based on the view that the Land Revenue Code had vested the proprietorship of all the soil in the power paramount. But this inspite of Sind Sadar Court deciding in 1883 as against Government assertion of such a claim “that though there may have been originally nothing proprietary in he character of some zamindars the position was one wwhich readily developed in a proprietary form.” I think in fairness to the zamindars Government should now uphold their rights to these trees and issue clear orders to that effect so as to save the zamindars from unnecessary presentations in Criminal Courts and harassment at the hands of revenue officials.

Form of Government in Sind as it is and as it ought to be

Sind in comparision to her eister-provinces stands on a lower rung of the ladder leading to the destined goal of Swaraj. Her position in the presidency is peculiar : she has therefore, to work harder and more strenuously than other provinces for the purpose reaching he desired goal.

Even India’s political rishi late Mr. Gokhale in his political testament teated Sind with scant attention and for this treatment Sind is mainly responsible on account of the inactivity and inertia displayed by her. But now the same state of things can not be permitted to continue and Sin refuses to be called a “Benighted province” or a “sleepy hollow.” She is an integral and non-negligible part of India and is prepared tocontribute rateably to the Indian culture.

This subject had very recently been a matter for discussion at the last Special Sind Conference held at Hyderabad a few months ago. As it was the legitimate and special province of that Conference to deal with it, my task is considerably simplified so far as this subject is concerned and I have thus to make a very few observations only.

It is an anomaly that Sind is still on the list of “Scheduled Districts” although with Karachi rivaling Bombay, it has been advancing commercially and though in consequence of Mesopotamian consequent, its geographical importance is an assured and unprecedented one.

Whether be the view adopted with respect to the political status that Sind may occupy in the proposed reforms, we all are unanimously agreed that Sind Commissioners Act of 1868 that has remained with us for half a century ought to be abolished and one man’s rule out to end. This Act confers powers of the Governor-in-Council on the Commissioner-usually of the Indian Civil Service and trained to be an autocrat, and his acts remain uncontrolled and unquestioned by the Bombay Government. That Government has voluntarily parted with its power to cheek the actions of each occupant that comes and goes. His will is supreme for good or for evil and absolute. Sind feels sequestered. It has a poor representation on the University – her educational advancement is slow-her development of Local Self-Government stunted and her agricultural, irrigational and industrial condition unsatisfactory. I cannot refrain myself from observing that this system is repugnant to the democratic principles that have now surcharged the political atmosphere all over the world and that at present the autocratic system cannot inspire that confidence in the minds of the governed that would otherwise be done in the case of a representative Government wherein “Self-determination” has a part. What is done in the province, be it in the dispensation of state service, be it in the nominations of municipalities and local boards, be it in the forests or in the judiciary, never reaches the ears of the Bombay Government.

With the repeal of this Act where-with a pre-anti-diluvium form of Government is carried on, arises the question of demand for a suitable and satisfactory form of Government.

The only possible suggestions for consideration are:-

(1) Should Sind be autonomous with a Governor and Council?

(2) Should Sind be linked to the Punjab?

(3) Should Sind be made a part of Baluchistan?

(4) Should Sind remain annexed and Sind be given a Commissioner with the same powers that other Commissioners in the Presidency have.

Brother delegates, these are all momentous questions-on the right determination of which the future of Sind depends. All the above suggestions have been fully considered at the last Sind Special Provincial Conference. Mine will be but a feeble voice in endorsement of those views. But the importance of the question is such that the ablest and the most thoughtful men of Sind should meet in committee to consider the various aspects of the questions. Difficulties there are in every course-but they have to be met. Under the present system Sind has not gained any thing from the introduction of Morley-Minto reforms. Sind unless it rises to suggest its fate will I am sure remain untouched by any changes that the Parliament may introduce at the bureaucratic rule with “wooden, in-elastic and iron” machinery cannot go on any longer. Before these changes are introduced let this Conference or its specially authorized committee prepare a scheme of reforms for the administration of Sind Government.

Internees, Detenues and Political Suspects.

That the British power so well established in this country with its High Courts, its Penal, its Criminal Procedure Codes, and let us not forget the Press Act, should have resorted to the arbitrary step of internments must be proof of its utter lack of statesmanship. The application of the Defence of India Act, a measure designed “for the purpose of securing the public safety and the defence of British India” and “powers primarily required in the military interests of the country”, in the case of constitutional and law-abiding citizens of India is entirely a misuse of authority.

In winding up his speech on the Defence of India Bill, in the Imperial Legislative Council, on the 18th March 1915, the Hon. Mr. Surendranath Bannerjee made the prophetic observation, “I hope and trust that it will not be a weapon in the hands of the enemies of Indian advancement for the purpose of blasting those prospects and frustrating those hopes which have been roused in our hearts by the loyal devotion of our countrymen consecrated by their blood on the battlefields of France.” The non-official members who were induced to give their sanction to this “ dangerous addition” to the repressive laws that have been enacted during the last few years, may well complain of breach of faith on the Part of the authorities who have made such un-authorized use of it. It will not be far from truth to say that what was styled as a purely war measure had been used as a weapon by the authorities for gagging and oppressing the political workers and in a majority of cases the persons who are rightly or wrongly suspected by the police or by the C.I.D. To deprive any person of liberty without even a semblance of public trial and proof of guilt is a grievous wrong and a grave offence against the spirits of fairness, freedom and democracy, for which the allies are professedly fighting at present.

The year that has just closed has witnessed several instances in which on the word of a spy many young men, several of them being brilliant products of university, or self-developed workers in the service of humanity, have been interned without trial in prisons or far-off inhospitable places and left to brood in loneliness without the freedom to communicate with their kindred. Some of them are reported to have gone mad or committed suicide.

Some few have been liberated but they are still shadowed and persecuted with the result that they find themselves unable to do any business.

By this method the careers of several blossoming youths have been blasted. This atmosphere of suspicious and distrust has penetrated the schools and colleges where a move serene atmosphere of love, trust and reverence ought to have away. Heart-rending tales are wafted to us from Bengal about the miserable existence that these detunes are passing through and the cruel indifference that is shown to their health and comfort and the treatment that is meted out to them in the jail of their detention. The relatives of the internees are not allowed to see them nor is timely information sent to the relatives about the health or place of residence of the detunes. The latest information is about hunger-strikes and this is the highest point which misery can reach. How long is the government going to play with the lives of our peoples?

Any further indifference on our part would mean that we attach no value to human life. Even if these detenues are revolutionists; as the Government would have us believe, the treatment that is given to them, in the name of peace and security of the country, is more in keeping with the middle ages than with a civilized Government of the twentieth century. Even hardened criminals and murderers receive better treatment than these detenues. To them at least a fair and impartial trial wherein their guilt is tested by cross examination is given. This shows that Government wanted not the co-operation of the public or their inquisitive gaze.

Gentlemen, I fail to see why Government should refuse to disclose the charge and evidence on which a man is deprived of his liberty indefinitely and why should the friends and relatives not be allowed to visit periodically?

In the name of justice, in the name of humanity and in the name of civilization all this must end and every effort of ours should be directed to the betterment of this state of things. I am glad to learn that a Central Bureau for the help of the Muslim interness has been formed very recently at Delhi and from Sind Hon. Mr. Bhurgri and Mr. Ghulam Ali Chagla, our worthy patriots have enlisted themselves as its members. Time has far advanced when to this movement an All-India character irrespective of caste, colour or creed should be imparted.

In this respect Sind has also paid its contribution in a direct form. All appeals for mercy and justice have failed to secure the release of the interness.

Our worthy patriot Diwan Wadhumal Oadharam has sent, as president of the public meeting, telegrams and petitions but without any success.

Things have instead of improving gone from bad o worse. Brother delegates, language is but too poor to convey to youths sorrowful accounts about the life that our brothers are made to live in purgatories and prisons. With all her efforts and provisions Mrs. Annie Besant has failed to secure the release of two Mahammadan interns-brothers-Mahmed Ali and Shaukatali. Te spectacle of a vacant provincial chair at the last meeting of the Moslem League was a lving and burning emblem of the injustice done to them and yet a very powerful index of the reverence that Mahmed Ali’s co-religionists have for him. The Hindus also possessing equal reverence for these two immortal brothers. Something must be done to secure liberty of person and in indefatigable exertions for their release, Hindus and Mahammadans must unite.

ARMS ACT

This act of 1878 is another great grievance of the people. Its existence on the pages of the Indian Statute Book ever reminds us of the gloomy fact that Indians are not citizens of the British Empire. This impression gathers support from the one dismal fact that non-Indians, so says the Arms Act, are tree to carry and use arms without a license. This obnoxious distinction based on race, caste and creed none counter to the spirit of Magna Charta of Indian liberties which has been ratified in several sovereign and distinguished statesmen. This act virtually proclaims aloud to the world that Indians from the highest to the lowest are not to be trusted in their own country and creates doubts against their loyalty. But the part India has played and the blood her sons have shed on all the battle –fronts prove the response it has given and remove all doubts of her loyalty. Loyalty to the sovereign and his representatives is inbred in Indian nature. The absence of the arms from Indian homes has left the Indian manhood untrained and emasculated. Little did the powers think that in 1914 will be launched on the European world a gigantic struggle for liberty that will tax England and Allies, resource to the full and that will necessitate England to call on India for help and yet if they had been trained in arms, have easy it would have been to send millions in the field and turn the tide of war. In its times, Indian’s sons and heroes have fought for the land – but an age of emasculation has killed the Kabtrya –hood and the material spirit within us. One of the main reasons for insufficient response to the Indian Defence Force Act is the operation of the Arms Act – and the feeling that we are not trusted.

Raja Rampalsing in the Congress of 1885 prophetically raised a voice of protest against the policy of distrust pursued by the Government. He said:-

“Nor is it only we who shall have to regret and suffer for the mistaken policy that our Government is unhappily pursuing in this matter. Look where you will remind you in the world and you will see gigantic armies and armaments. There is trouble in steps for the whole civilized world and sooner or later a tremendous military strength will commence in which assuredly before it terminates, Great Britain will be involved.” There prophetic words have come out to be true.

India’s position necessitates that she should be made strong as well as free otherwise not only does she become a vulnerable point in the Umpire but also procession to be battled for.

Let these responsible for the safety of British Empire including Indian Report given realize the grave situation and repeal the Arms Act.

Apart from the political aspect of the question, can any deny that possessing alarms is right of self defence and is the birth-right of every individual citizen. Nowhere in the world, is the possession of arms fettered.

The most comic feature of the Act is the granting and renewal of licenses. This unhappy function is no doubt entrusted to the District Officer viz, the Collector, but world know that he relies for the purpose of selection on the reports of the C.I.D. and police officers.

The worst effect of the Arms Act is that it stunts the growth of a people and citizens them of their sense of national self respect. The Arms Act has failed to achieve its object in as much as the lawless few are never in want of fire arms, but it is the law-abiding many that have been deprived of the use of them. Illustrative of this era the numerous decoities and robberies that visit Sind at the time of non-abkalani season. Dacoits and robbers somehow manage to get fire-arms and swords and attack the unarmed people to the disgrace of the Arms Act.

The recent disturbance among some frontier tribes created so much of alarm and unsafety that Government had to requisition police from all departments in order to protest the people and property. The people themselves are helpless in their homes and have to rely for their ordinary protection on a handful of policeman.

LIBERTY OF PRESS

BROTHER DELEGATES,

Indian Press in India labours under several difficulties and impediments and the heaviest of those is the Press Act of 1910 that hangs like Damocles Sword over the heads of editors, journalists and keepers of the press. This Act, conceived in a spirit of repression, and ostensibly intended at first to be sparingly used, carries within its bosom the deadliest weapon that cuts at the very root of independence of any paper that comes within its range. The press, instead of being an independent critic of Government as it ought to be and is in all other countries where British flag flies has been reduced to a state of meek submission and terror and is permitted to exist on itself. The vesting of such altimited power on the Executive Government is undoubtedly a serious encroachment on the freedom which the press in India enjoyed before the passing of the Act.” There cannot be severer condemnation of the measure and its existence than the above words.

The Press Act, I dare say has been in the hands of the Executive a convenience weapon for repressing inconvenient criticisms which they could not bring under the operation of the sections of the Penal Code. The fate of the editors of journals circulating in a small area is veritable as they with very small income and capital and mostly depending for their existence on official patronage and advertisements have more often than not to live under the perpetual tutelage and arbitrary censorship of local or district official in the interests of the public or incurs the displeasure of local police authority, he is called upon to show cause why security should not be demanded from him. The taking of security is a foregone conclusion. It often happens that the magistrate demanding the security and sitting on judgment is the very person whose views had been severely criticized by the editor concerned or an immediate subordinate of him. Thus the complaint, the witness and the judge merges in one – a principle abhorrent to every judicial measure.

It is well-known maxim of law that everyone is to be presumed incept until guilt is proved. But in the operation of the Press Act the two important words “innocence” and “guilty” have changed places and the maxim has been reversed. As the Defence of India Act trenches on the liberty of person without trial, so does the Press Act snatch its freedom from the press. Under the Press Act, the pressman is often called upon to prove his innocence without a affording him even an opportunity of knowing contradicting either the contents, or the source of confidential reports that may have been made against him by the C.I.C. or the police nor is he allowed in certain cases, where security is demanded, to know the objectionable passages or articles. The use rather the misuse of the Act and solemn promises given by Government at the time of the passage of the act as to the use or intention there have proved illusory.

The non-official members were told by Sir Herbart Risley “the Pill does not prepare to confer any power on the police, they will be absolutely outside it and will have nothing whatever to do with its administration” – what a poor realization of fact. Mr. Merniman in supporting the resolution on the repeal of the Press Act at the ……………………….of the Congress said “ I say – I am prepared to justify it-I say from this platform that the police come in at every step in the administration of the act. The whole question of the respectability if I may so put, it, of the proprietors of a newspapers or the proprietor of a press rests in the hands of the Criminal Intelligence Department. This stands un-contradicted till this date. This with respect to the first safeguard Another safeguard held out to us is the appeal to the High Court against any order for forfeiture and the late Sir Herbert Risely described it as ‘a very complete cheek upon any hasty or improper action by a local Government.” On the basis of such an assurance the framers of the act had ‘barred all other remedies.” But an order demanding a deposit of security does not carry with itself this safeguard, so the highest judges in the land tell us. Even in the case of forfeiture the Madras High Court in the “New India” case while holding that the Magistrate’s order was administrative and not judicial. Thus the appeal against forfeiture is meaningless and our High Court are powerless.

Experience has shown us that this safe-guard is illusory and a sham. Press is thus left at the mercy of the executive assisted by the police and C.I.D. and as long as human nature exists adverse criticism will always place the press under the head of a single executive officer.

Another disappointing feature of the Act is the unfair manner in which it is being administered as, between certain classes of journals. While Anglo-Insane journals that vilify the people of this country and create class-hatred are immune we hear but too often that the Indian papers advocating national views are ordered to deposit heavy securities with the result of forfeiture in several cases.

I have brother-delegates, laboured over this problem at great length for two reasons. One is that I regard free press to be the strongest bulwark of the Empire and a tower of strength to the reformer. Milton the great seer of England proclaimed the truth that the one essential of good Government is to keep in touch with the governed, that its ear should be placed near the ground so as to hear the rumblings of the populace. This essential truth can be realized only with a press free and not muzzled as in India.

The second reason for me is that Sind has during this year been greatly victimized by the Press Act in as much as “New Times” “Home Ruler”, Trade Advertisement” and Hindvasi” have been asked to deposit securities within the space of a few months. “Sindhi” was already under this has at the very start of the Act for the curious person of having changed its editors.

The “Trade Advertiser” was not allowed even the benefit of seeing the objectionable articles or passages and action against it was admittedly taken on police information which was not disclosed. In the case of “Hindvai” the Magistrate refused to follow the ruling of the Madras High Court and sought to get support from a Magisterial judgment in preference to the Madras High Court. “Home Ruler” was made to deposits a pre-natal security. The Press Association of India and the public must try all legitimate and constitutional methods in their power to resist the operation of this arbitrary and oppressive measure. The Press Act must be repealed and be amended. The safety of the Press in Sind will until the repeal of the Act depend upon the public support and more upon an organization, of which all the Press aware should be members, and in the event of a particular Press being harassed by the Executive all support must proceed from this organization.

Conclusion

And now brother delegates, I have placed before you to the best of my light what we wish Government should do for us and what we should do for ourselves so that we may have an India of the future answering our ideal, satisfying our aspirations and rising to the height of our noblest emotions. And towards this end the war and other forces of great moment are fast helping us onward. The war has created a new spirit of self sacrifice the highest imaginable-shedding of blood-and this being abroad throughout the British Empire there appears to prevail an atmosphere of good will and mutual service. It seems to me that under the benign dispensation of an inscrutable Providence our beloved Motherland will occupy an honoured place in the Empire with which her fortunes are indissolubly linked and we shall be the free and equal citizens of that great empire bearing its burden, sharing its responsibilities and participating in its heritage of freedom and glory as comrades and brothers. With a liberated manhood, with buoyant hope, with a love that over-leaps all bounds, renovated and free India will take her proper rank among the nations of the world and be the master of the situation and of her own destiny.

This is the goal to be reached – This is the promised land.

Happy are they who see it in distant vision; happier those who are permitted to work and clear the way on to it; happiest they who live to see it with their eyes and trend upon the holy soil of Bharat Mata and Sindhu Desh.

6^TH SIND PROVINCIAL CONFERENCE

HELD AT

 JACOBABD (1919)

            The first session of the Provincial Conference took place this morning (April 18, 1919) in a large pandal erected for the occasion and lasted for about there hours.

            After the singing of a national song, and the reading of letters and telegrams expressing regret at inability to be present, the chairman of the reception committee, Seth Asardes Shewaram, who is a Zamindars and merchant, read his address in which, after welcoming the delegates and thanking the town’s people for the honour done him, he traced the history of the town. Originally it was a small village called Kangarh which came to be called Jacobabad after Jacob Sahib’s arrival. In those days it was the residence and some regiments only, but in course of time, after the constructing of the Kashmore Bund to keep off river floods and the excavation of the Begari and Shahi Canals, extensive cultivation was carried on round about and eventually it became a centre for trade in grains and other produce. The town could boast of two things, the Victoria Tower built to commemorate Queen Victoria and the clock in Jacob’s Residency in which there was an arrangement of the movements of the sun, the moon and the stars. Referring to the Montagu Chelmsford reforms he said that they feel short of the Congress League Scheme and expressed a hope that finally they would take such a shape as to give us cause for believing that they would lead us to self government in the near future. The Rowlatt Bills had been passed in the teeth of opposition from all the Indian members, which had caused wide spread dissatisfaction throughout India. He hoped that better counsels would prevail and the Bills would soon be repealed. Never before within memory had the prices of necessaries run so high, and it was regrettable that not with standing the shortage of foodstuffs in the country the Government had exported large quantities to Africa and some Asian parts. At every conference a resolution in favour of Swadeshi was passed, but it bore no fruit. He hoped that some practical shape would be give to the movement this year so that they might be able to give a better account of themselves year.

            He suggested the following reforms to be carried out immediately in Sind: The separation of Judicial and Executive function; the raising of the term of revenue settlements from 20 to 30 years; raising of the term for Nowbat from 5 to 10years; relaxation in the Remission rules by the appointment of a local Advisory Committee whose opinion should carry weight generally in such matters; satisfactory arrangement for the adequate supply of water for the whole year if possible and the appointment of an Advisory Committee of zamindars to make suggestion to the proper distribution of water; abolition of Rasai, Chher and Lapo; the introduction of free compulsory primary education; the opening of a Government High School for the Upper Sind Frontier district; the opening of a College for Upper Sind, to be located at Sukkur; and Repeal of the Arms Act so as to allow every respectable person to carry arms to defend himself from the attacks of dacoits and robbers.

            In conclusion he expressed great regret that their Muhammadan brethren were fighting shy of joining their Hindu brethren on political platform. He compared the two communities with the two wheels of a carriage which could not expect to reach its destination if the progress of either of them was retarded. He advised the Muhammadan not to be deceived by the small favors shown them by Government but work in the path of true progress.

Mr. Jamshed N.R. Mehta was then formally elected president. (The Daily Gazette, dated April 22, 1919 Page No. 4).

SECOND SITTING

1. The second sitting of the conference took place this morning (April 19, 1919) and lasted for about four hours. The first and foremost resolution moved was one in the usual terms condemning the Rowlatt legislation. It was moved by Mr. Santdas Mangharam of Hyderabad, who said that Government had leveled a charge against the leaders that they were misrepresenting facts about the Rowlatt Bills. He was there to refute that charge. In all the meetings held in connection with the “Black” Bills he was satisfied that the leaders had tried their best to place all sides of the question before the public. He was followed by Mr. Abdul Rehman of Karachi, Mr. Jethanand of Jacobabad, Mr. Sidhwa of Karachi and Mr. Virooml of Sukkur who supported the resolution which was carried unanimously.

            The following resolutions (among others) were also passed after some discussion:

2. “This Conference emphatically protests against the repressive policy of the local government towards the Press in Sind as indicated in other things, by the demand of securities under the Press Act from a large number of Sind newspapers on wholly unjustified grounds, by its order prohibiting registered libraries from subscribing to most of the leading English and Vernacular newspaper of the province and by stopping the publication of Government advertisements and notices in such prescribed newspapers”.
3. “This conference considers it its duty to place before the Government by true sentiments of the Muhammadan of India with regard to the fate of their co-religionists outside India, the question of the Khalifate and of the custody and suzerainty over the holy places such as Mecca, Madina, Jerusalem, Najaf, Kerbella, Kazemain and Baghdad and cordially supports the resolution of the All India Moslem League at the Delhi session in December 1918 on that behalf. “(B) That the British representatives at the Peace Conference will use their influence and see that in the territorial and political redistribution to be made, the fullest consideration will be paid to the requirements of the Islamic laws with regard to the full and independent control by the Sultan of Turkey who is the acknowledged Khalifa of the Prophet over the holy places of Islam above enumerated and over the Tazrutularab as defined in Muslim books”.
4. “This Conference is of opinion that the time has come when steps should be taken to constitute High Court for Sind with the same proportion of Judges recruited from Indians and from the bar as in other High Courts of India”.
5. “This Conference is emphatically of opinion that it is imperatively necessary for the better administration of affairs in Sind that the Vernacular newspapers of Sind should be translated in the office of the Oriental Translator to Government at Bombay and extracts therefore submitted to Government”.
6. “This Conference is strongly of opinion that the Government of Bombay should take steps to start forth with the promised and long delayed High School at Larkana and to establish Government High Schools at Nowshahro at Nawabshah district, at Jacobabad for  Upper Sind Frontier district and at Thatta from next year.”
7. “This Conference is of opinion that Sind being mainly an agricultural province steps be taken to open an Agricultural College in Sind”.
8. In the evening a Hindi Conference was held where a resolution in favour of Hindi being taught as the secondary language in all schools was passed. It was also resolved that the municipalities in Sind should be requested to introduce Hindi as the second language, in all schools.

THIRD DAY’S SITTING

            Today (April 20, 1919) there were two sittings in the morning and the evening, each lasting over four hours. The morning sitting was held one hour after owing to the pandal having been flooded by heavy rain on the previous night and the evening sitting had to be postponed from 5 to 7 p.m. and was held in the open space of the Dak Bungalow as the pandal grounds were flooded. The morning sitting was attended by about 1,000 persons, of whom about 600 were delegates, 150 members of the reception committee and the rest visitors. The evening sitting was attended by about 3,000 peoples, there being no restriction about tickets.

            There was animated discussion on resolutions on Hindu Moslem Unity, the Swadeshi movement, the Rowlatt Bills, Income tax and self determination.

            The proceedings of the conference were marked by order and sobriety seldom noticeable at such large gatherings.

            The following were among the resolutions passed at the two sitting:-

1. “This conference urges Government to budget adequate funds for the progressive   provincialization of roads in Sind, so as to place Sind on a level with the rest of the Presidency in the matter of communications in as brief a period as possible”.
2. “This conference places on record the extreme dissatisfaction of the Zamindars of Sind at the operation of several of the Commissioner’s special circulars, particularly those relating to Follows and remission and requests Government to appoint a mixed committee to enquire into and report on the operation of the special circulars and the necessity and nature of their amendment.”
3. “This conference is emphatically of opinion that in the forthcoming legislation on local self government full popular control should be provided for, in all local self government institutions, entirely free of official control, with wholly elected Boards, completely responsible executive, enlarged functions and increased powers and taxation.”
4. “That in view of the passing of the Rowlatt Act despite united popular opposition this conference expresses sympathy with the Satyagraha movement started by Mahatama Gandhi.
5. “This conference calls upon the Government to publish the report of the committee appointed to enquire into the charges against Muhammad Ali and Shoukat Ali and in view of their extremely protracted interment and the irritable state of public feeling in the country on this account, to order their immediate release”.
6. “This conference further urges that all the Sind internees not yet released should be immediately set free”.
7. “This conference strongly supports the resolution of the Congress for the application of the principles of self determination to India and urges the Prime Minister of England, the Secretary of State for India and Lord Sinha to place this question before the Inter Allied peace Conference and the forthcoming peace Conference and requests the upholders of the principles of self determination at the peace Conference to support the claim of India for the application of the principle as outlined in the resolution of the Congress”.
8. “This Conference urges all the municipalities in Sind to introduce free and compulsory education within their limits,:
9. “This Conference greatly deplores the policy of persecution followed by Government against Lalla Lajpat Rai for a long number of years and strongly urges Government to grant him full freedom of movement and action”.
10. “This conference strongly urges Government the imperative necessity in the interests of the agricultural prosperity of Sind of the early commencement of the Sukkur Barrage and therefore requests Government to press forward the scheme without further delay”.
11. “This Conference strongly condemns the highly unjustified and undignified coercial methods adopted by Mr. Rothfeld, Collector of Sukkur for imposing house tax in Shikarpur despite the protests of the latter and the public and deprecates his action in withdrawing Rs.25,000 from the Municipal funds in an autocratic manner whereby he has placed the Municipality in such a position that it is unable to defray monthly expenses, The Governor of Bombay be approached by a telegram to cancel this unjust order”.
12. “This Conference is of opinion that the present system of control of food and prices in order that it may give real relief to the poor requires improved organization and therefore strongly urges Government to appoint for each district and important city a Committee of Control consisting of representative merchants and the Controller or Assistant Controller and exercising full powers of Control”.
13. “This Conference is of opinion that the newly constituted Municipality of Hyderabad should be given the power of electing its president by a bare majority as is the rule in all major municipalities in Sind”.
14. “This Conference urges the Government of Bombay to commence the work of erecting the public buildings of Karachi during the current year,”
15. “This Conference strongly condemns the action of the local authorities of Karachi in threatening persons who have been residents in British territorial though born in Indian states with removal from British territory if they co operate or participate in the demonstration and functions connected with the Satyagraha and Home Rule movements and urges Government to rescind any orders of removal that may have been issued against such persons.”
16. “This Conference strongly condemns the methods and means adopted by Government officials for imposing house tax in several cities and small towns in Sind despite vehement popular opposition and in direct conflict with the wishes of the people. This Conference further protests against the procedure of establishing notified areas which has as its real object the imposition of house tax.”
17. “This Conference urges on all the communities in Sind the imperative necessity of giving every encouragement to the Swadeshi movement”.
18. “This Conference is of opinion that the present arbitrary system of assessing Income tax results in great hardship on the people and is causing severe discontent in the country and the Conference therefore recommends that a committee of three non officials conversant with the practices and circumstances of each locality should be associated with the assessing officer for the purpose of assessment.”
19. “This Conference expresses its profound gratification at the growing feeling of unity and brotherhood between the Hindu and Muslim communities in India and urges the peoples of Sind to work for the strengthening and perpetuation of this bound of union as it is calculated to foster the growth of common nationhood.”

In the afternoon a Temperance conference was held in the pandal over which Mr. Kishindas Jhamrai, B.A, L.L.B Presided, In his presidential address he discussed at length the evils of drink and suggested legislation prohibiting the use of intoxicating drugs. Failing this he suggested the substitution of Licensing Boards of Abstainers as far as possible on place of the present Advisory Board which should have powers to grant licenses. Resolutions condemning the use of liquor generally and on marriages in particular, appreciating the sacrifice of certain newspapers for foregoing their income from advertisement for liquor, requesting Government to insert lessons on the evils of drink in text books, requesting Government not to allow more than one shop for every 10,000 people, requesting Government to close liquor shop on all holidays, and requesting Government to appoint a Licensing Board of abstainers as far as possible in place of the present Advisory Boards, were passed.

SIND PRIVINCIAL CONFERENCE

6^TH SESSION, JACOBABAD

PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS

BY

JAMSHED N.R. MEHTA 

18 APRIL 1919

Presidential Address by JAMSHED N.R. MEHTA on the eve of

Mr. Chairman and Members of the Reception Committee, Brother and Sister Delegates and friends. 

                I thank you one and all for having done me the honour of electing me as President of the Sixth Sind Provincial Conference in this City of Jacobabad. My thanks to you consist of few words, because I cannot express what I feel.

            We meet here today to deliberate on National and Provincial questions and pass resolutions to guide our future course to serve our Motherland: there can be no greater happiness or joy than to serve own dear Land and I humbly bow to the Almighty and our Devas for giving us this opportunity to meet and speak for the Holy cause of our Nation, to unite in one bond for one purpose, vis. SWARAJ FOR OUR BHARAT DESH.

             Friends, when I think that it is only a few years ago that I have entered the arena of political life, I do feel my unworthiness to take up the responsible duty you have entrusted me with, today. I take it up since you so will it, and offer myself to Him to guide me aright and look to you to help me in the discharge of that duty. May I be worthy of your choice.

            At such meetings my first thoughts do go to our leaders-past and present, at whose feet we have begun to learn lessons of self-Government and Self-Determination; let us send our thoughts of reverence and love to all of them, those noble patriots and pioneers who have paved for us the way for service to our Motherland.

Self-Government and Self-Determination

            The foremost ideals and demands of ours are Self-Government and Self-Determination; the air of Bharat Desh is surcharged and electrified with this powerful idea. Our assemblies, our meetings, our actions, words, feelings, our ways of living, our daily steps, all make us to move forward towards these goals and we are willing to offer all our happiness, joy, peace and whatever that is good and valuable in life to this shrine of SWARAJ, Self-Government, Self-Determination, call it what you will. It is but reasonable that I should deal with this topic first.

            We feel that Swaraj of Self-Government is our Birth Right; we feel that the present system of Government is unsuitable for India and Indians; we feel that the present constitution of the Government is extremely costl and a great burden on our Land. We also know that the present administration is autocratic and selfish. We intensely feel the hardship, burden and injustice of unequal treatment accorded to sons of our land in comparison with the treatment given to the sons of other lands in our own Home; and we see in consequence that our Land is being continually drained of its wealth and resources and  reduced to improve; we want therefore a change in the system and constitution of the Government as at present existing. We want to exercise our right as Indians, as the sons of this soil to self determine what type of constitutional Government within the British Empire will suit the condition and needs of our country.

            Since 1886, our veteran leaders have been constantly pointing out to our rulers how India has suffered in all aspects of its life by the methods of administration by Great Britain, that had grown unsuited to the fast changing needs of the times- but they spoke and cried in vain. In the year 1906, the Dada of India gave out his holy pronouncement that Swaraj must henceforth be our goal and that we must look to it as the one way to relive India from its sufferings and since then the cry of Swaraj has spread to every corner of our dear land; every year our demands grew firmer and stronger; side by side, the reactionary measures of the officials calculated to prevent our aspirations from taking proper shape also grew stronger. The struggle went on. Constant efforts were made by subtle means to divide and widen the gulf between Hindus and Moslems; certain persons were made official favourites to form a Government party. Measures to suppress National papers and gag those that propagated liberal views taken; needle reforms and measures for the good of India in spite of all popular demands were not introduced, with the result a most unfortunate result, that today in India, we find the public and Government as two distinct parties, as if the interests of the two are separate and opposite. Friends, it is no pleasure to me to make these statements. To me, and I am sure, to you all this state of affairs is unwelcome and painful. Well, this struggle continued, and it became a subject of constant anxiety to several thoughtful leaders of our Land. It was apparent that such a state of affairs could not last long and could do good to no one; a scheme was thought out by our leaders for improving the system of Government, ultimately leading to self-government within the British Empire. That scheme is well known to you as the Congress-League scheme; this scheme if accepted by the Government would have had the result to bring about some satisfaction until the final goal was reached by the people of a nation that aspired and struggled for liberty, justice and equality. Practically the whole of India accepted this scheme as the immediate step towards the goal of self-government; the state of affairs reached to an anxious stage owing to the righteous impatience of the people on one hand to be free and the desire of Government officials on the other hand to muzzle the people. At last one who represented the King Emperor realized the gravity of the situation and invited the Secretary of State for India, to visit our land personally and to judge the situation; the great war was raging, our land was “Hanm-Sharik” with our Emperor and his allies in all the battle-fields and our soldiers fought on all the four continents of the world. The Secretary of State, the Right Hon’ble Mr. Montagu, whom India had always known and accepted as a friend, came to India soon after the announcement of the 20^th August 1917 that responsible Government as an integral part of the British Government was the goal of British Rule in India. The Viceroy and the Secretary of State after prolonged consultation of all shades of opinion in India and careful consideration of the views placed before them issued a report containing suggestions for Reforms; it was apparent that the report bore evident indications of the influences of those who were against Indian Rights and aspirations. The report rejected the Congress League Scheme and suggested quite a different scheme, which almost all in India pronounced with one voice as inadequate to meet Indian aspirations. Yet there were a few leaders who took the view that the reforms suggested by Lord Chelmsford and Mr. Montagu were an advance on the present system and though inadequate to meet our demands they ought to be welcomed and if need be accepted as a first instalment. But a large majority- and a very large majority declared at the Special Congress in Bombay that the scheme was inadequate, unsatisfactory and disappointing. They however did not reject the scheme, but demanded several substantial modifications while adhering to its principal frame works. The main modifications demanded were that in the Provincial Governments all subjects except departments of law, police, and justice, should be immediately transferred to popular control, the above three subjects being reserved to executive Government, only for a period of six years; and that in the Central Government, all departments except foreign affairs (excepting relations with the colonies and dominions), army, navy, and relations with Indian Ruling Princes, and subject to the declaration of rights given below, matters directly affecting public peace, tranquility, and defence of the country, should be transferred to popular control as the immediate step towards responsible Government. The Declaration of Rights which in view of its great importance deserves to be put before the public as often as possible reads thus:-

(Declaration of Indian Rights)

            RESOLUTION IV:- The Government of India shall have undivided administrative authority on matters directly concerning peace, tranquility and defence of the country subject to the following:-

            That the Statue to be passed by Parliament should include the Declaration of the Rights of the People of India as British Citizens:-

1. That all Indian Subjects of His Majesty and all the subjects naturalized who are resident in India are equal before the law, and there shall be no penal nor administrative law in force in this country, whether substantive or procedural of discriminative nature,
2. that no Indian subject of His Majesty shall be liable to suffer in liberty, life, property, or in respect of free speech or writing, or of the right of association, except under sentence by an ordinary Court of Justice, and as a result of lawful and open trial

1. that every Indian subject shall be entitled to bear arms, subject to the purchase of a license, as in Great Britain, and that right shall not be taken away save by a sentence of ordinary Court of Justice;

1. that the Press shall be free, and that no license nor security shall be demanded on the registration of a press or a newspaper;

1. that corporal punishment shall not be inflicted on any Indian subject of His Majesty save under conditions applying equally to all other British subjects.

           The wisdom of Providence however moved us onwards. The great war suddenly came to an end. We were victorious and our Empire loudly proclaimed that the battle was won for the freedom of all nations; that it was a war won to give the right of self determination to every nation, weak or strong. That it was a war which decided and proved that Right ruled over might. These loud proclamations of Britain and its Allies gave more vigour to India’ demands. Side by side with these India’s demands, a party opposed to Indian reforms, under the leadership of Lord Sydenham, carried on highly mischievous campaign against Indian Aspiration; During the interval of a few months between the Special Session of the Congress at Bombay held in August last, and the 33^rd Sessions of the Congress at Delhi in December, the Indian Members of the Bombay Legislative Council declared that they were ready for full provincial autonomy viz. that all departments of provincial government be transferred to popular control of Legislative Councils. This declaration and the increased opposition of officials to reforms and some acts of high handed bureaucratic policy between August and December 1918 made the 33^rd Sessions of the Congress to demand full Provincial Autonomy for all Provinces of India. Some leaders demanded this firmly, specially pointing out that the department of Police must be brought under popular control immediately, and that it would be ruinous to keep it longer under the control of autocratic executives as a provincial reserved subject. It was clear that the main reason for this demand, contrary to the resolution of the Congress only three months before, was due to extreme dissatisfaction at the administration of the police department. Friends, I do believe that the whole responsibility for the present situation in India lies with this department of police. It has been truly a horror to the people; its actions, ways and means are a good deal responsible for creating acute feelings against the present system of Government; instead of affording protection, it, as it stands, is a menace to our property, person and honour. The germs of sedition and anarchy which we see sprouting occasionally in a few individuals in India and which we whole heartedly condemn is undoubtedly the result of police oppression which has become unbearable. Measures to reform the police will be far more effective, in my opinion to kill sedition, than those suggested by the Rowlatt Commission and the “Black Bills”. It is first necessary to remove the roots of a rotten tree- in this case the harsh conduct and injudicious activities of the police. There may by and are exceptions, as I do not class all members of the Police alike, but what I have said above applies to both Indians and non Indians. If only efforts were made to make the Indian police, even one-tenth as good as the police in England, how much more happy would India be today! How much more smooth would be the relations between people and the Government; I earnestly hope that this aspect of the question will receive the earnest consideration of all concerned.

           I feel I ought to lay before you some of the main views and arguments which were responsible for the difference of opinions and the division of the house at our last Session of Congress in Delhi.

There, some of our leaders gave out their views which were accepted by a minority (and I was one of the minority) that a sounder and practical aspect of the present political situation did not make it advisable to demand immediately all departments as transferred to the Reformed Legislative Councils in all provinces of India for the reasons:

          That the demand of full autonomy and the insistence of its grant would prejudice the chances of securing substantial modification in the Central Government. That even if full provincial autonomy were granted the Central Government could transfer to itself any department out of the control of the Provincial Government, and thus baffle all plans of popular control. This sudden change in our demand would mean a stronger opposition from those opposed to reforms. That this demand might also alienate from us our best friends in Britain because full provincial autonomy for all provinces means practically the rejection of the Montagu-Chelmsford Scheme of Reforms. Also for sake of unity between leaders in India, viz, those of the moderate party and the advanced party, it was necessary and advisable to stick to resolutions agreed upon at the Special Congress at Bombay.

          Such of our moderate friends as attended the Delhi Congress also expressed the view which practically meant that they regarded the Montagu-Chelmsford Scheme of Reforms as not adequate but they were prepared to accept it as such and welcome it, and press for more reforms.

          Thus there were three distinct opinions expressed at the Congress. I personally do not see the least objection to such difference of opinion. Let us remember after all that as far as most of the essentials are concerned all parties do agree. Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya in his Presidential address at Delhi stated that the Moderate Conference, the Indian National Conference, and the Moslem League agreed in asking for certain essential modifications and improvements in the scheme: he said:-

“It has thus become as clear as noon-day light that enlightened Indian Public opinion is unanimous in urging that the principle of responsible government should be introduced in the Government of India simultaneously with a similar reform in the Provinces and that there should be a division of functions in the Central Government into reserved and transferred as a part of the first instalment of reforms. It is unanimous in urging that half the number of the members of the Council of State should be elected. It is unanimous in urging that Indians should constitute one-half of the Executive Government in India. It is unanimous in asking that the popular houses should elect their presidents and vice-Presidents. It is unanimous in requiring that the elective majority should be four-fifths; and that the reserved list should be as small and the transferred list as large possible. It is unanimous in asking that ministers should be placed on a footing of prefect equality with the members of the Executive Council. It is unanimous in asking for a complete separation of judicial from executive functions. It is unanimous in urging that 50 percent of the posts in the Indian Civil Service, and to start with, 25 percent of the King’s commission in army, should be secured to Indians and that adequate provision for training them should be made in the country itself. It is unanimous in urging that the ordinary constitutional rights, such as freedom of the press and public meetings and open judicial trials, should be safeguarded, though there is a difference of opinion about the methods suggested to secure the end. I have not attempted and exhaustive enumeration. My object here is to show that there is, not withstanding difference over unimportant matters and not withstanding all that we hear of divisions and parties, practical unanimity in the country about the most essential changes and improvements which are needed in the proposals of reform.” Friends, since on these important points, there is agreement, there should be no objection to all parties working in concert for these modifications. Opinions may and do differ on other points and each individual or each party may certainly and shall have the liberty to work for its own special demands but where we unite in  opinions we must also work unitedly. The present time is the time and opportunity. The reform bill is soon to be represented to the Parliament. The very world politics indicates compromise. Compromise does not mean giving up efforts for future progress or binding ourselves for life to any agreement that we may come to. For years past we have been putting forward our demands; now has come the time for action when the need for being practical is essential. Much depends upon how we can influence the members of the Parliament and the Committees in England, and I plead for a balanced mind. Enthusiasm and hunger for Self-Government is one thing and the recognition of the political side of things is another. We are now in a situation in which our internal differences would mean opportunities lost for a long time. If we differ between ourselves in a way as to cut off friendship, refuse tolerance, forget gratefulness, reverence and respect because of difference of opinions, where shall we be? If we are coming to that stage of National life, I would say friends, “Halt”. As far as differences of opinion and different parties are concerned, I am not the least alarmed; differences exist everywhere and must exist in the Congress also; on important points and essentials we fortunately agree but even if we differ widely where is the harm? From difference of views if rightly discussed and handled we grow and advance. We may form parties but not factions.

              The Indian National Congress has a wide platform. It inspires all with one aim, viz. Self-Government for our Mother Land; I feel sure it is watched and protected by Devas and Great Souls and it will and can never break down against any and all outside opposition as long as we have the good of our country in our heart. We shall be loyal to our Congress even though we differ. Let us have tolerance and forbearance and right shall come up triumphant out of all differences and struggles. If we prove that we have sufficient strength of love for our dear land and are able to sink personal differences and look only to our Motherland, the power of the Almighty shall always be behind us to protect and guide us and our sacrifices and efforts shall never be in vain and our day shall come nearer. Amen.

Within British Empire

               My Friends, some words on this subject are essential. India’s ancient civilizations, its past glorious times, its great achievements in all departments of life, always fill us with pride and we consider it a blessing to be born on Indian soil in Bharatbhumi. But we cannot afford to live only on the glory of the past; considering our present, I feel that the advent of the British in our Land was arranged for by the Wisdom of the Providence, and I believe that the Almighty God has a plan of evolution thus bringing the East and the West so close. Though the plan has not been yet fulfilled, though we have been together for over a hundred and fifty years, because of limitations of our human nature we should not despair. Let us strive firmly and try to bring about a closer unity between England and India. I am one of those who are convinced that whatever be India’s past glory and England’s present prosperity, India’s salvation in this age lies in its connection with England and that of England with India, that the one without the other will be helpless and that without each other’s help God’s plan of a great Aryan civilization would fail. For the vast continent of India stretches into the Indian ocean with one arm extended towards the near East and the other towards the far East, possessing geographically such a favourable central position, that it already forms they key-stone of the British Empire; and when India ceases to be the great dependency that it is now and becomes a partner and an equal partner in that Empire, that Empire bids fair to become world Empire. That is the prospect that stands out before us. If rulers were wise this prospect would become speedy of realization to the mutual benefit of England and India and of the world at large. Not with standing all that I know and feel about the autocracy of the present system of Government in India and our suffering resulted therefrom, there is also much for us to feel thankful and grateful to them. Ideals of self-government and self-determination which we aspire to win have been evolved within us in the present generation by connection with Englishmen. The claim for freedom and liberty that we cherish have grown within us because we see what freedom and liberty have done in their lands. A good deal of pioneering work in many developments in our land has been done by them and some valuable lives of theirs have been given for and in India in the last hundred years and more:-

            The admirable virtues of England’s sons and daughters and of those of the dominions, during the war i.e. firm will, extreme patriotism, capacity to suffer, willingness to give up their lives and possessions, burning love for their country must appeal strongly to our minds and we must feel proud to belong to this Empire.

            In the last war, friends, our land has sacrificed thousands of lives for Britain and has made several other sacrifices too numerous to be stated and all these have not been done in vain. Sacrifice of blood and life must bring by natural laws the giver and the one for whom it is given more close in the firm bond of love, friendship and unity. And if we therefore are desirous of treading the most natural path- the path traced by the loving hands of God- let us try in our political field of work for unity between England and India to gain liberty and equality or Self-Government within the British Empire. I am not yet in despair; there are many deeds of selfishness which we must get redressed from Britain, there are many misgivings and misunderstandings which we must remove from ourselves.

            But on any occasion when we find ourselves under entire despair, friends, let us remember always that our Dharma forbids us any act of violence to person or property. We may follow the path of “soul force” or “Satyagrah” and undertake voluntary sufferings on ourselves rather than make others suffer by our passion and anger. To me the maxim of Zoraster is very clear, “Let sovereign know that God gives sufferance to human power only for the greater care for human freedom; the power that seeks to destroy shall be destroyed itself”. History is not without proofs of these teachings. Let us pray the day may never come for our British Empire but Heaven helps those who help themselves.

Rowlatt’s Bills, and the Delhi Tragedy

            Friends, I do not wish to speak much on this extremely painful subject. We have heard and read much about these measures, specially during the first twenty days of the month of March and those who have gone through the proceedings of the last Session of the Imperial Council carefully, must remember the extreme pain and agony through which they must have passed day after day, when reading how our leaders- one and all- loyally, with unfailing energy, struggled upto the last minutes with their arguments, logic rhetoric, persuastion, entreaties, and warnings, but all these have been in vain.

            The European members of the Council, and thank God only the Europeans, were not impressed at all. The Bills were passed by the entire block of officials and European majority. The wishes, the feelings and the demands of our extremely united Nation and a Country were ignored.

            Let us still hope that the Secretary of State will yet recommend His Majesty, the King Emperor, not to give his assent to these bills which have created such keen feelings in India. But friends, even if this last hope of ours is shattered. I would urge you to remain perfectly balanced, clam, and with full trust in Providence. Friends, do try to understand the real spirit of Mahatma Ghandhi’s Satyagrah movement. Soul-force can only succeed when not a tinge of anger and hatred is within us, and when we have entire faith in our Atomic Power. We would be weakening the great spiritual movement of Satyagrah, if we cannot follow the teachings of Mahatma Gandhi. Follow them if you can, and be true to a letter, otherwise friends, I urge you do not-do not join the Satyagrah. To weaken “Atma” is fatal to our cause, I urge you for the sake of India, for the sake of Mahatma Gandhi, and for the sake of Satyagrah, to understand that this movement is entirely spiritual and not in the least political.

            The Delhi tragedy has grieved us immensely. Precious lives have been lost through unwisdom and injustice; no better proof can be had how India is suppressed by irresponsible servants of the government and how dangerous it is to give power to officials who have no sympathy, and who forget themselves in intoxication of power. But I feel, these lives have not been lost in vain. Time will prove it. I would urge that our people should erect in Delhi a monument in holy memory of those who lost their lives in the tragedy. It will enable us to keep our memory green and to keep our eyes ever on our goal.

The Year 1919 – Our hopes & our Anxieties

            The year 1919 promises to be a momentous one for our empire in many ways. The entire world in this first year of the peace is naturally busy with problem of “settling down” and in this process of “settling down” it must pass through highest hopes and deepest anxieties.

            So far as India is concerned my foremost anxiety is about the question of the “CALIPHATE”. India contains a large number of the followers of Prophet Muhammad and any disturbance of Muhammadan feelings must affect the whole of India. I know how strongly the current of feeling is running in India about the question of the “CALLIPHATE” and my greatest anxiety for 1919 for India is on this matter. Let us earnestly hope that justice, wisdom and statesmanship will prevail with those who are deciding the fate of the religious centres of Islam. It cannot be denied that the Muhammadans of India have loyally given their services to their British King against the Sultan of Turkey, as a Ruler, but certainly not as their Caliph; they keep their religious allegiance with the Sultan of Turkey as their Caliph and their determination to acknowledge him as Caliph must not be and cannot be interfered with.

            The conciliatory attitude which the Government of India have recently shown in this matter has made the position somewhat easy for the present and I would request our Anglo Indian Journals to refrain from remarks which may bring about a crisis. When even men like H. H. The Aga Khan and Syed Amir Ali have expressed their views on the matter with such firmness, it should not be difficult for our English friends to imagine the gravity of the situation.

            The replies of British Ministers, the Viceroy and the Governor that the Muhammadan case will be properly represented at the Peace Conference and that the subject would be left to the Muhammadans to decide have brought some relief and let us hope that Great Britain will insist upon this claim of our Muhammadan Brethren being accepted.

            The second great anxiety is in connection with the Indian Reform Bill. The general feelings is that now the war is over, India cannot get anything substantial and not much will come out of the King’s announcement of the 20^th August 1918; people have lost faith to such an extent that they feel that the terms of the announcement will be twisted and turned by British statesmen and officials to fit in with their proposals. Several measures adopted by the Viceroy and Provincial Heads since the Armistice, several acts of officials in higher services against Indians, and the rapid disappearance of that milder and kinder attitude which was shown by Englishmen towards the Indians during the War adds to the doubts of the Indian that no substantial Reform will be granted to India.

           The relations between the two races are getting so strained that friendship between and European and an Indian is becoming impossible. I view this stage with great

regret and anxiety.

            India has been a nation hungry for its food, for its education and for its political freedom, and the longer it takes to satisfy them the stronger their demands will become and feelings are bound to run higher. The patience of the Nation is getting exhausted and the anxiety of those who yet hope to see the matters set straight by peaceful methods is becoming deeper. The officials are greatly mistaken if they judge India by the circle of title-hunters, flatterers and eaves-dropping reporters by whom they are surrounded. The public know these persons in their true colours and the more such persons are honoured or found in the company of officials, the Government houses and Collectors’ bungalows, the more awkward becomes the position of Government. These sycophants and tale bearers do more harm to British Rule than to Indians against whom the minds of the officials are being constantly poisoned. What is to be extremely deprecated is that the gulf between the officials and the public is getting wider, and on that account the relations between the two races the Indians and the Europeans are getting so strained that as I said above day by day even personal friendship between an Indian and an European is becoming impossible. Instead of the struggle between bureaucracy and the people’s rights the opposition has become as it were between the Indians and the Europeans. Rude treatment of several Civil & Military European officers and subordinates towards the Indians, frequent advertisements of various Government Depts. such as Post, Telegraphs, Railways, etc. and the Port Trust advertising for posts to be filled up and mentioning clearly that only Europeans were required, injustice to Indians to get their rightful claim of promotion and position and passing them over to give room to the European Sub-ordinates over them, add much to resentment of the Indians. And the constant question one asks is “How long shall our Country suffer this?” One such question in an Indian heart means added feelings against those responsible and I ask my English Friends how long this will last? Can a nation allow it? Or will nature allow it?

And to thoughtful Indians all these cause grave anxiety; that India is losing faith in Britain is apparent and this is highly undesirable. Sometimes I do feel that, unwisdom guides the fate of on rulers. I urge and appeal therefore, to all Englishmen if my humble voice from this far away corner of India can reach them, to release the gravity of the situation. The only remedy is to grant immediately a substantial measure of reforms as demanded and make out a proper scheme even by stages to convince the people of India that the full share of responsible Government will be reached by certain specified stages and within a definite period, so that the people of the country in co-operation with the Government may in right earnest begin to work for the development and growth of the country accordingly.

                 It appears that under the Montague-Chelmsford Scheme of Reforms, a private book of instructions is to be given to the Governors, as to how the men of the I. C. S. and other services are to be protected against the orders issued by the responsible ministers of the province if they be Indians. Far better would it be if in that book of instructions the Governors be asked to instruct men of the I. O. S. and of other services and other Englishmen in the country to treat Indian people with sympathy courtesy and the respect, which is due to one man from another and to see that this is done. Continued efforts should be made to bring the officials and the public closer. Sympathy is the only way. India is the easiest country to rule. Its people are simple and devoted. In order to realise this you have only to see how a good and sympathetic official or his wife is being practically worshipped in India. People of India are grateful if only sympathy is shown towards them.

                 And my third great anxiety is for ourselves. Firstly I do feel sometimes our lack in sense of proportion in blaming officials for acts and imputing motives which are either greatly exaggerated or do not exist; I also view with alarm our growing bitterness towards Europeans generally, so much that our present tendency is to regard every European, official or non-official wherever we have occasion to deal with him as inspired by deliberate hostility towards us. My friends, this is not right on our part and cannot be justified. Many a time we do not even wait to see how a Governor or a new official would treat the Indians or how he would administrator the duties of his office. We are apt to class them all as one; this attitude does a great harm to our cause and must be checked for the sake of fairness and the desirability of preserving good will between the two great races of the Empire and on higher grounds of love and sympathy for all children of God. Sympathy and love cannot last long unless they are mutual. I am very fond of saying and I repeat “Let us help and co-operate wherever help and co-operation is needed; oppose where opposition is necessary and right”.

Secondly, we must correct our attitude towards our own leaders, who have practically dedicated their whole lives to the service of our cause. Leaders of all parties, whether of the right, the central or the left party must receive our respectful regard justified by their character, sincerity, patriotism and services to our country whatever be their opinions. Even as regards difference of policy and opinion every view honestly held deserves our consideration and tolerance. We must remember the words of a great Sage that ungratefulness is the greatest vice; and if we fall under the temptation of this vice of ungratefulness either towards our leaders or towards our rulers to whom we are extremely grateful for such services as they have rendered to the country, a reaction and arrest in our development must come. Our doubts then become the seeds of our own internal dissensions among us. Enmity within our own household is highly dangerous for our cause even more detrimental than any form of autocracy or bureaucracy of outsiders; we must drive out intolerance and intellectual tyranny from ourselves.

                   Thirdly what makes me anxious for ourselves is our want of deep study in matters political. We are growing highly sentimental and emotional and less inclined to appeals to reason. It is observed at most of our meetings. Appeals to sentiment, denunciation of Government or officials or putting forward of big demands elicit the largest response. Our devotion to leaders is measured by volume of cheering and the popularity of a speakers seems to depend on the use of strong language making of extreme demands. The stronger the language, the extremer the demands, the greater the applause. This attitude of our cannot help us in our progress nor can it convince our opponents of our capacities. I urge therefore strongly for close and devoted study of political problems, facts, figures and statistics. A fairly large bulk of excellent literature on Indian political problems has already been published and we must develop a love for study. We must encourage regular study groups in our associations and make efforts to educate our masses in as much details as possible so that they may have intelligent and real grasp of the various problems. We must see that our political literature is translated in all the vernaculars. Biographies and speeches of our leaders should be made available in all public libraries and all possible means should be adopted to awaken Indian masses to a realization of the value of the study of the problems.

                   Friends, I would not wish you to labour under a misapprehension that I am pessimistic of India’s growth; side by side with my anxieties for every problem, there are many gleams of hope; I am optimistic and look forward to a bright future for India. In the past, every nation and country has passed through the severe crisis of “Political hunger and demand for rights”. Even at the present time we see what is passing in some countries e.g. Russia and Germany. I am however hopeful that India’s struggle for freedom will not be with any evil or wrong doing. Though our land and ourselves will have to pass through strict ordeals and sufferings to reach the goal, I feel that the ideals of our past civilization and our Dharma are too deep-rooted in every Indian Child and will save us from recourse to wrong methods for political freedom.

                   For the year 1919, I hope to see unprecedented progress in our capacity to sacrifice and suffer, in our industrial development in our social life and in matters political and educational. The anxieties which I have dealt with for problems of Caliphate, Reform Scheme and ourselves are not without hopes of satisfactory arrangement and solutions. In the end I would urge, my friends, along with strong will and determination, a balanced mind and patient judgment.

The I. C. S

                 In our present political activities a great deal is said about the I. C. S., and how to deal with this body is a matter sufficiently important for our future to deserve our keen consideration. Their joint and open opposition against Indian Reforms in certain provinces and the Viceroy’s opening speech at the last Imperial Council Meeting must lead us to reflect very seriously on the subject. There is no doubt that the I. C. S. has grown to be very unpopular in this country. This body of public servants has been running so long in a particular groove of the system of autocracy, that it is very difficult to move it out from this position. In fact the bureaucratic frame of mind has become, as it were, a second nature with almost all members of this service and its Indian members are not exceptions to this.

            But it is plain and clear that neither the I.C.S. nor any other service can remain as our rulers or masters any longer. The I.C.S. and other public services are the servants of the public as the very words imply and they must not arrogate to themselves the functions of Government which properly belong to the people and which they alone must exercise through their duly appointed representatives. The people of India have realized this and they are determined to acquire these rights.

            We have been observing that for the defence of this body, the European Association, The European Chambers of Commerce and a large and influential group of Englishmen most of whom are interested in India simply on account of trade connections or investment of capital have been working actively during recent times. The Sydenham Clique is provided with large funds by these individuals and associations. The result of my observation and study of this matter is a conclusion arrived at some time ago which I am getting more and more confirmed that the I.C.S. is a useful tool in the hands of a body of Commercial men and financiers in England and India who are working for their own selfish advantages and oppose strongly the Indian aspirations and progress; because let us clearly understand that our impoverishment and sufferings are due not so much to the system of revenue administration as to problems relating to tariff, exchange, finance, banking, currency, railway and shipping. All these are controlled by these Commercial men and financiers, who actually form a very influential Government party in England and the I.C.S seem to be under their influence and guidance owing to the power they wield on party politics in England. This also explains why the Government of England, the Secretary of State and even the Government of India so often show great anxiety to protect and defend the I.C.S to such an extent as to make one feel that the Government is afraid of them.

              This commercial party holds the real key to the position of affairs in India; they know what an asset India is to England, and they know also how to keep India under their thumb. These men in the intoxication of power have become unconscious not only of right and wrong as far as the Indian Nation is concerned but they have also become blind to the dangers of alienating the sympathy and love of a nation and a country which has brought them great prosperity, which has been heart and soul with their country and people all throughout the Great War and which gave them such indispensable help at the time of their extreme difficulty and peril. I urge therefore my countrymen that we should go to the root cause of our sufferings; let us raise our eyes to the vital problems wherein lie the real mischief. We have steadily given away ourselves by our ignorance. We must thoroughly educate ourselves in these problems of tariff, exchange, currency and finance. Some of us must make regular study of these subjects. Let us strive for that important reform, that of fiscal autonomy which vitally affects the economic future of the country. We must produce students, thinkers and workers for handling and tackling such vital problems, the root cause of our sufferings, the drain from our country and the poverty and ignorance of our masses. We must find out and train men and women who would devote their entire time thus to our country’s cause, and we must be ready to provide maintenance for them and their families if need be.

            I think we must also make a serious effort to impress upon this body of I. C. S. what is right and advantageous for all concerned. We must admit that, this body as a whole has been found able and hard working and possessing several good traits of character. It includes among its members several who according to their own light honestly wish to work for the good of India and some even if few have gone out of the way to labour for India’s good at great sacrifice and cost to themselves and have proved beyond doubt that they are true and good friends of India. For many improvements and developments in our country, we have to be grateful to them; in several respects their services have been valuable; hence I have often felt that attacks from our side on this body of public servants have been severer than can be justified; In fact I see a tendency amongst us to throw the responsibility for every possible grievance or deficiency on them; this we should avoid. They are highly educated and men of reason and I think we ought to impress upon them that their attitude does no good to Indians or Englishmen and in the .long run must do positive harm to their own country. Why should they oppose to the union of Hindus and Muhammadan in India? Will they or can they ever succeed? Have they not got enough proofs that where the question of political freedom will come the Hindus and the Muhammadan can and will unite as one nation. All what we wish is that the I. C. S. or any other service in India shall be Indianized and that they shall not remain in India, feeling or acting as foreigners. Sympathy and goodwill do not cost anything. These are sure to bring happiness to them and all Indians. On our part also we must then feel that we have no desire to rule over Englishmen in India just as we have no desire to be ruled by them; when India enjoys responsible Government their position of equality with Indian will be amply secured and that under the new changes, no Englishman serving whether in the I. C. S. or any other service will have reason to be dissatisfied; they should be assured of same respect and treatment which any son of the Soil would receive at our hands the same respect and treatment which the officials receive in England itself under responsible Government.

            I feel similarly that there is no reason for the British Capitalists to be apprehensive of their future in India.

It would be India’s duty and pleasure to see that commercial relations between England and India are strengthened for their mutual benefit. All that we shall see is that India’s industries shall not be crushed and India’s trade shall not be wiped out for the sake of England’s Industries and English trade; but at the same time we shal1 see as citizens of the British Empire that we do not for our advantage attempt to harm the industries and commerce of England. The fears entertained by British officials and British Commercialists will turn out to be simply idle fears, for when the full measure of reform is granted to India, the ties between the two races will be found to be growing stronger and the volume of trade between the two countries will be found to be double or triple or even more than what it is now. The result is bound to be such for it can be proved from history. But all these can happen only if India’s rights of self-government are accepted and if India is to be treated with justice, equality and freedom. If we can only understand and make our I. C. S. friends also understand what a glorious future awaits the Empire by adopting a policy of mutual goodwill by the substitute of Responsible Government for autocracy in India and by accepting India as on equal partner in the Empire, the world for both England and India would be very much more different, from what it is now and much more happy than it is today. Some patriots dream of the days when India will be administered not by these hired services but by honorary managers in place of the I. C. S. and other Public servants. Who would not long for that day! That day shall be “The Day” for India! When that day comes, India will reach the summit of its glory; when India is able to produce such able sons and daughters as can administer the country as honorary managers, there can be no cause of anxiety for those in public services, because I am sure during such days of glory, India’s Industry, Art, Science and Agriculture will have so far developed as to easily employ and take up all highly educated men and women and possibly they would be far more happy in other departments of life than in public services. May that day come soon.

Our Work in England

             Ever since the Delhi Congress our minds have been greatly exercised over the question pf our work in England and the immediate dispatch of deputations from various bodies. The Congress resolved to send a deputation but the wording of the resolution regarding the deputation has created doubts whether or not the deputation had the power of negotiation. Some leaders are of opinion that the Congress has given a mandate to the Deputation not to negotiate for anything less than what is contained in the resolution passed at Delhi; other leaders including our Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya, the revered President of the Delhi Congress are of opinion that the resolution as worded does not take away the power of negotiation. This may be if we construe the wordings of the resolution literally. But friends, the discussion on the resolution in the subjects committee as well as in the open Congress left no doubt in my mind that the deputation had a clear mandate and no power of negotiation. I hold therefore that we have no option but to choose the lesser of the two evils viz the mandate or negotiation with the risk of possible censure from the next Congress, I myself feel that our deputation must have our full confidence and possess power to negotiate even if there is a risk of a censure from the next Congress, though I hope our people will realise by the time the wisdom of granting the power of negotiation. Let us choose the leaders in whom we have trust, but having chosen, give them the liberty to negotiate. Our respected leaders whom we elect to go to England in a Deputation should have our fullest confidence and we must request them to do their best on our behalf, with their discretion, judgment and wisdom. I cannot imagine anyone of them, possibly doing anything to harm our interests and I on my part would give the authority to negotiate Carte-blanche.

                 We should also request our leaders forming the deputation to agitate strongly and work for the removal of the hardships under which our brethren labour in South and East Africa. We must impress upon Englishmen that the shameful and unhuman treatment given to the Indians in these colonies must add greatly to our feelings of resentment and we in India can no longer tolerate to see the sufferings of our brethren elsewhere.

                 But apart from the question of deputation for the reform scheme we have to continue our efforts to press hard in England our claims for our country. We have to educate the English people about India. Even most of the educated persons in England have no real idea of what India is; some think it is full of jungles and forests and uneducated masses of an aboriginal type. Some think India is full of seditionists and anarchists and feel that Englishmen in India are bearing great risks of life and property. I make it a point to ask every Englishman whom I meet as to what his views were about India before he had actually visited it and almost always everyone admitted his gross ignorance of the country at that time. Several statements about India made in well known English Dailies and Magazines and in some books on India written by English men, show how shockingly ignorant the writers are about our country. Questions asked in Parliament prove how little the members of the Parliament know and yet they profess to rule India wisely and well and consider our country as it great trust put in their hands by Providence to manage.

                   Several Englishmen are fond of judging India by its apparent prosperity, from the increasing numbers of large buildings, by its largely increased imports and exports and such other “side shows” as I call them and they look with pride on “what Britons have made of India” and nothing but the continued propaganda in England would make them to see or discover the reality that the apparent prosperity of India is a great dilusion. It is only the prosperity of a few rich men, the masses say 95 percent are poor, very poor, burdened with the high cost of living, miserable with low income and wages, starving with insufficient food and clothing, sick with plague, cholera and other epidemics. No better proof is required to substantiate the fact of extreme poverty of India than Sir James Meston, the finance minister’s own statement at the last session of the Imperial Council Meeting that the total number of persons in India assessed to income tax is only 381,000 and by raising the taxable minimum of income from Rs. 1000 to Rs. 2000 per year, he will be relieving no fewer than 237,000 assesses. A writer in the “Servants of India” truly states that “if there is much diffused prosperity in the country, signs of it ought to be visible in the daily life of the people. The plague, cholera and influenza epidemics do not show that the resisting capacity of the masses is greater than before.”

                All these show how important is the need for us to educate England about India. I have not lost hopes in England.

           Mr. A. G. Redmond Howard (one of the strugglers agitating for Home Rule for Ireland) has written somewhere truly, “Bureaucracy is foreign to the most elemental instinct of Englishmen, and if one may use a paradox” a very little historical investigation will show that Home Rule means nothing else but British Rule, in so far at least as that latter term is used in any democratic sense.” And what does India want? We also want the British Rule in that democratic sense; we are and promise to remain “loyal to the King” but refuse to be “the slaves of every passing clique” of selfish anti-Indian Englishmen. We would be faithful subjects of the King Emperor ruling over British Empire with all the strength of our love but not slaves of a bureaucratic body. We must therefore have a permanent army of workers in England but we cannot send such workers unless we are prepared to maintain them and also provide for their families; of what avail are the big words, demands and cries from the platforms, unless we are ready to make a sacrifice. Home Rule can never come without sacrifices. Sacrifices such as create sufferings for opponents is against the Divine Path, against our Dharma; for us there is one path, the path of self sacrifice. Let us give for it what is deal unto us-our workers, our able sons and daughters, our wealth, our brains our energy and time and then shall come the day of our glory. That day shall not only be glorious to us but for the whole of the British Empire, if Britain only so wills it.

Our Women

              It is a happy sign of the times to see the awakening in our women also; it is gratifying to see them taking lively interest in matters of civic and national affairs. Some of them are agitating strenuously for equality of rights and this movement of women’s rights must be fully encouraged in every part of India. Friends, we must be prepared fully for this change. We must give up our present ideas of women that they are only meant for house and kitchen work, for nursing children and social comfort. I say “present” because such ideas about women never existed in the past, at least not in India. Our scriptures, our histories, our traditions, our stories and pictures prove beyond doubt that women in ancient India were quite competent and did take part in all the departments of life, even in battlefields and bore the fullest share of responsibility with men. The picture of the Deity as Ardha-nalishwara is a striking symbol of this great fact. I can write pages to quote chapters and words. To refuse women their rights and their proper position in life is to show one’s ignorance and non realization of the noble contribution to life which a woman is meant for; above all this refusal is harmful to ourselves, to our cause and to our country. They can be our ideal helpmates in our struggles for self Government and self determination and their infinite capacity of self sacrifice will be an invaluable asset to the country. It is only a matter of giving them opportunity and we will soon see them on the right level. I am not looking at this problem from a sentimental point of view. I feel no department of life can be complete without women by the side of men and the same rule must apply to our present struggle for freedom and liberty. We must have women as our co-partners with us in our struggle; then alone can the struggle be won. We must have them along with us to drink the nector-the amrit of liberty after the struggle; then alone can true freedom be enjoyed. Without them our struggles shall be lifeless, our peace joyless. No nation, no country, no community can long bear the burden of unequal treatment of position to the two sexes; it is a question of time; what men would not do willingly, nature must force them to do; why not then take a shorter path? let us acknowledge and accept women’s birth right, let them be by our side in bearing the burden of national struggles, for, they will add to our strength; their education will be more rapid, their children after such struggles and education, will be hardier and better trained and the next generation shall be far more highly advanced in body, mind and spirit than the present one. I urge the acknowledgement of women’s rights, because I feel, we shall be doing them justice after the great injustice that we have done them these many long years. We will be doing what is right for them and with their cooperation our day of political victory shall be brought nearer.

Some other demands

                 Friends, our important and urgent demands are so numerous that I cannot go into details unless I am prepared to speak for days and days together and you prepared to listen to dry facts and figures with patience; But I feel I cannot omit a reference to at least some of them, be it even briefly.

               The most urgent problem we Indians must look to is that of our Military expenditure; the staggering figures provided for in the last budget must open our eyes and we must insist that a portion and a large portion of it must be borne by the British Treasury. A large majority of troops in India is kept up for the protection of British interests as a whole and not for India and to tax India’s purse for this is highly unjust. The Indian troops and British troops are kept in India on such unequal terms and meted out such unequal treatment that I consider it outrageous that India should be asked to bear such as heavy burden.

                The question of the position of our Indian Brethren in South and East Africa must be taken up by us earnestly. The disgraceful treatment accorded to them by handful of white men in the British Colonies must cause for all of us a revolt of feelings in our minds. If I describe the treatment which our Indian brethren receive there, the term “cruel” would fall far short in describing. We must strongly impress upon the Indian Government to take this matter up seriously and we must not rest until we see that the affairs of our brethren in other colonies are settled to satisfaction.

The Press Act is still operated without the least regard for justice, truth or fairness. The Indian press is gagged for trifling causes, whilst Anglo Indian Journals are allowed to abuse the Indians without the slightest restraint and are free to wound Indian feelings to their hearts’ contents. How long can this last?

               Our education is another item of importance. We are not given the right type of education nor are given sufficient education. All civilized Nations have made greater progress in education and in this regard India stands last amidst civilized nations of the world. The type of education which leads to the prosperity of the country, which builds up mind and body, finds no place in our educational system and some people ask if this is being purposely done to keep Indians always a suppressed nation. The whole system has become so wooden, so mechanical in this department that it requires a radical change.

              The last question but in no sense the least important is the question of the release of Messrs Mohamedali and Showktali. I do not wish to enter into the history of that case but it is now no longer a secret that the Government had and has absolutely no justification for their internments. It is more or less now a question of prestige bat what is past cannot be undone. It will be truly British to let them have their freedom and we on our part shall be glad to drop the curtain on the subject. The freedom of other innocent internees must also be demanded.

But I must stop here to turn to questions of our own Province.

Position of Sind in The Coming Reforms

                  As far as our little province is concerned this question should engage our uppermost attention, especially as the Scheme of Indian Reforms is soon to be out. We Sindhis must now clearly and definitely form our opinion and attitude as to what position we wish to hold in future. For some years past, we have come to two main conclusions; one is that the special powers delegated to the Commissioner in Sind must be withdrawn. We Sindhis consider it highly inadvisable to leave such powers in the hands of one person from whose personal whims, the men of the province may have constantly to suffer.

                  The second conclusion of ours is that the Government of Bombay has been too busy and too distant to give sufficient attention and justice to the growth of Sindh; it is even asserted that because of Bombay, Sindh has been done absolute injustice, in several instances. In recent years during the Governorship of Lord Willingdon we have forced the Bombay Government to pay some attention; our new Governor Sir George Lloyd promises to be more attentive; but where a fate of a province is concerned, one cannot depend upon such an uncertain factor as the personality of a Governor.

From time to time, several alternative schemes have been presented to us as to the future of Sind-

1. To leave our province as it is, attached to the Bombay Presidency.
2. To constitute Sindh as one of the separate provinces of India.
3. To attach Sindh to the Province of Punjab.
4. To join Baluchistan to Sindh and make Sind and Baluchistan a joint province.
5.         To join to Sindh a portion of Punjab upto Mooltan and make that joint area a separate province.

            Various arguments and opinions have been brought forward in favour of and against each of these alternatives and I propose to discuss each one of them. The proposal

marked 4 in my list viz to join Sind and Baluchistan in one Province seems to me impracticable and not at all advantageous. Baluchistan, as it stands, is held for military purposes and it is but fair that this portion be entirely managed by the military department of the Government. Though I do not see at all why a separate measure of popular Government cannot be introduced in other departments, expecting the military department in such places as Quetta, Peshawar and frontier stations which are entirely managed by the Military authorities, I hold that to attach Baluchistan to Sindh which is purely managed by civil authorities would be very disadvantageous. There would be a constant clash between the two authorities Civil and Military; also the Government will not introduce such a large measures of reform in Baluchistan as it might be prepared to introduce in Sindh. The revenue paying capacity of Baluchistan being very small will have to bear a share of Civil expenditure on Baluchistan and for all these reasons the proposal must be rejected in the interest of Sindh.

            Now let us consider whether it will be better for us to be attached to Bombay or to the Punjab. Our connection with the Bombay Presidency of over half a century standing makes some of us unwilling on merely sentimental grounds to separate from Bombay and to be attached to a new province; but sentiments have no place in matter like this and we must discuss the subject on purely practical grounds. A look at the map will show us immediately that naturally we are joined to the Punjab. Our land, railways, rivers and canals are all interwoven in one whole with those of the Punjab.

Looking at it from the point of view of commerce and trade interest our entire dependence is on the Punjab. The Chief department of business, the Railway management, is centered in the Punjab. The chief exports of Sind, wheat, hides cotton etc. are from the Punjab. A very great bulk of our export is into the Punjab; our local wholesale trade of Sind exists because of the Punjab. I do not see any independent factor between Sindh and Bombay. The interests of Sindh and those of Bombay are separated and distinct and it is therefore natural that the Bombay Government and the people of Bombay have not been able to appreciate the importance of Sindh at its proper value and have not felt that responsibility for Sind, which they would have, if the commercial and other interests of Bombay had been inter-allied, .interwoven or inter-independent on those of Sind as in the case of the Punjab.

              Considering therefore these important aspects of the question, I feel that Sind must be detached from Bombay and joined to the Punjab. The Sind-Punjab Government will feel a greater responsibility towards the development of Sind, as it will be advantageous to both Sind and Punjab and hence the interests of Sind will be more protected. The one and only one difficulty which necessitates further consideration is our political freedom; some of our friends feel that remaining attached to Bombay will mean more liberal and advanced political reforms for Sind than what we would get if attached to the Punjab, because it is said that Punjab is politically not so advanced as Bombay. We are also told that the Punjab is a less educated province in comparison to Bombay and autocracy is more prominent in Punjab and we would therefore have much smaller measure of political reforms. Our activities also, we are told, will be a great deal cramped by the repressive policy of a less liberal government like the Punjab. Friends, I feel that the Punjab Government will in due course become more liberal, but if it were even not so, is it not right and proper that we of Sind should join the Punjab and help it. I would certainly like the people of Sind to make of Sind-Punjab connection as fine a job as is possible by making continued efforts more for liberalization of the provincial Government. It may mean a drawback temporarily, but I am sure, very soon we will be able to convince the joint provincial government that our province shall not have to wait very much longer for as large a measure of reforms as any other province may get.

Now let us discuss some merits of an autonomous Sind or of Sind with a small portion of Punjab say up to Multan attached to it.

               I would insist on autonomous Sind (with portion upto Multan) in preference to any alternative. From the ancient history of Sind it already appears that district upto Multan was attached with Sind. The customs, manners and the language of Multan is more akin to the, present in Sindh than to Punjab and administrative advantages for a province of Sind including area up to Multan, taking in all that portion of Bhawalpur state, will be far greater than if Sind alone constituted an independent province.

Sind is a fairly large province with an individuality and capacity and resource of its own. It can hold its own and stand on its own legs without being attached to any other province. From ancient times from B.C. 3600 up to the year 1842 Sind was always a province by itself except for a few years when it was annexed to Delhi. It appears that the province of Sind was considered as a prize by various nations who invaded it from time to time. Baluchistan, Afghanistan and Persia invaded it. Arabs, Moghuls, Rajputs at different times owned it. Its trade, its art, its industry were well known in the whole of the Eastern world, and merchants came from distant lands to trade with this province. It was one of the richest provinces of India. The History of Sind records many a heroic deed of its Rulers, its warriors and its Amirs. Sind was even then directed by the Government of Delhi through the agency of Governors.

            I have stated above that the progress of Sind has been a great deal checked by its being attached to Bombay. Our education and our industrial development have been neglected to the cost of our moral and mental progress. The sanitation in the villages of Sind is disgraceful. Mortality is extraordinarily high. There are very few hospitals and dispensaries. The number of roads in the moffusil and their condition are a very sad commentary on the present provincial administration; while in the case of the roads in the moffusil in the Presidency proper, the Government of Bombay have undertaken the upkeep of many of them from Provincial Revenue. In Sind this burden has been thrown entirely on the scanty finances of the local boards; the recent grant of Rupees Fifty thousand extracted from Provincial Government by the endeavours of some of our council members is grossly inadequate for the needs of the situation. For years we have been drawing the attention of the Governors of Bombay and the Viceroys to Bombay’s neglect of Sind but little has come out of it. Lord Willingdon promised and was able to show more sympathy but the distance between Bombay and Sind was great and the system was too rigid for him to be able to do his duty towards our province. The present Governor hopes to do his duty for Sind. To fight against the wooden machinery of Government he needs must be a very strong man; let us hope he will be; and even if he is, how long as I have stated before can we depend upon the uncertain factor of a governor’s personality.

            Our population is large enough. In the year, 1911 it was 3,513,435. I estimate it must be now over 4,500,000. I also estimate our provincial revenue is over 180 lacs per annum; and our province is certainly in a position to maintain full provincial administration with its councils and a high court.

We will be able better to attend to agriculture, sanitation, education and industrial needs of our province. We would be able to interest all our people in the administrative problems of our province; we will have no more to depend upon 3 or 4 honourable members of our councils to travel a thousand miles to make a few speeches or to put a few interpellations in the council to ventilate the grievances of Sind.

                Sind will have its capital at Karachi with a very much more developed port and harbour. The present clash of commercial interests between Bombay and Sind will not affect the progress of Karachi, in so far as we shall no longer be under the control of rival commercial interests. I dream of an autonomous Sind far ahead of all provinces. I decline to believe as is so often stated that ours is a backward province. Neglected as we have been we are today more awake and more conscious of our needs than any other province of India. Politically Sind is an advanced province; in religion the most broadminded and free from orthodox fanaticism, socially much less bound by creeds and undesirable customs and intelligence our people are in no way inferior to those of any advanced province. And I dream of Sind taking its place in the first rank of advanced provinces, and before long lead them all. Some of our friends believe that if Sind is constituted a separate province with its legislative and executive councils the councils will be dominated by those who will be acting merely supporters of the bureaucracy for some time to come. I do not share this view but even if it be so, we should be prepared to go through that intervening period and struggle throughout for an early termination of that condition of things; and if we have faith in us, I have no doubt that we shall be able to bring round the supporters of official policy to a true appreciation of the public point of view in all matters.

              And hence in the coming reforms we must demand nothing less than the reconstitution of Sind as a separate province, under a scheme of responsible Government with as many subjects transferred to popular control and as large franchise as may be conceded to Bombay. Friends, let there be no misunderstanding. I do not suggest that I favour the idea of the separation of Sind from Bombay and to grant to it any kind of Government. My support to the proposal of the reconstitution of Sind into a separate province is conditional on it being granted a measure of Responsible Government equal to that given to any other advanced province.

And yet friends, there is a possibility of this demand of ours not being granted to us. I would be immensely sorry if it is not, but as practical politicians, we must consider what should be done in case Sind is not separated from Bombay. In that case I make the following suggestions that:-

1. The special powers exercised by the Commissioner in Sind be repealed and either this post of Commissioner in Sind be abolished or his powers be kept down to the level of other commissioners. There is absolutely no need of such powers to be delegated to the head of the province; such powers do more harm than good and create a good deal of dissatisfaction.
2. A High Court of Sind be established at Karachi.
3.         Care should be taken when framing the provincial budget for Bombay to allot for expenditure in Sind a fair-share of the provincial revenues; also the income and expenditure for Sind be shown separately in the budget.
4.         At least one meeting of the Bombay council should be held in Sind every year.
5.         The present practice of treating Sind as “Cindrella” of the province in educational sanitary and commercial matters and in the domain of the local self Government must come to an end.

House tax in Sind

             Friends, let me express to you my conviction on this subject; though I Know a large majority of you will disagree with my views:

During the last two years, Government’s efforts to impose House Tax in certain towns in Sind have been strongly opposed and protested against. I cannot understand how a municipality can be administered without such taxation. One of the main feature of a municipality relates to the sanitation of the town and sanitation is directly connected with houses; it is therefore in my opinion nothing but just, reasonable and right that houses be first taxed, It is argued that in Sind, the majority of house owners are very poor, they themselves residing in their small houses, and the house tax would hit them hard and alternative of octroi has been suggested. My belief is that octroi system unless it is restricted to articles consumed exclusively by the rich, hits the poorer more than house tax. Believe me that no trader pays octroi from his own pockets. He adds to his cost a fraction more but not less than what he pays as octroi. Octroi is mostly levied on such articles as are necessaries for poor persons and I am quite positive it adds more to their hardship than house tax. From the point of view of poorer classes we would be doing them a real service if we work for reduced octroi and if possible no octroi excepting articles consumed by the rich and agree in its place to an equitable form of house tax. We want our Municipalities to provide us with good roads, water, efficient sanitary arrangements and free education; some even demand model houses from the municipalities; demanding all these to say “no house tax” in not reasonable in my opinion. Once I read a argument against the proposed house tax in Sindh, that the municipality had a balance of Rs. 37, 000 and therefore there was no necessity of levying a house tax. If the municipality of a town of the size I have in view and had Rs. 37, 000 as its net balance, I do not think it should first wait to spend these away and then to levy a tax. After careful consideration, I have come to the conclusion that house tax is a preferable tax to any other tax. I would personally be very happy to know and find out sources of income for Municipalities, which may be levied more eqitably, so as to get the least out of the pockets of the poorer persons but still to secure adequate funds for the growing municipal needs; but I have yet failed to solve this question and I consider on the whole, the house tax as the lesser of the evils of taxation from the stand point of poor persons. In ancient time also each town and village panchayat had some form of taxation either per individual, family or house. Every small town or village according to our present needs requires some staff for administration, cleanliness and sanitation, a school and a dispensary and it is necessary to find out some means of income for the panchayat or the municipality; I do however admit that some reservation be made for taxing houses valued under a certain sum, or realising rent under a certain sum according to the status and resources of the town should be exempted from paying house tax; but those on whom a house tax can reasonably be levied should not be allowed to enjoy all privileges without giving something to the Municipality and I urge therefore your co-operation with Municipality authorities in this matter. On the other hand, I would urge the Government and Municipal authorities the extreme desirability of first inviting public co-operation as to the best and most equitable constructive proposals to increase the finances or municipalities, so as to prevent avoidable popular dissatisfaction; I consider it equally important that it should be the endeavour of the government and the Municipalities to see that the owner of the house called upon to pay such tax is in a position to pay it.

Municipalities and Local Boards in Sind

                Under the new reform scheme, it is likely that the development of the local Self-Government Institution will be great and rapid. Hitherto in Sind, the progress of Municipalities has been very poor and very few towns have the privilege of Municipal administration; and where these Municipalities exist under the present District Municipal Act, limited powers are entrusted to members, the bulk of powers are retained in the hands of the officials; the system or Government nominations, the under influence of the authorities on nominated members and official interference are factors which are highly detrimental to Municipal administration.

We must therefore demand the following reforms:

1. Immediate changes in the District Municipal Act, giving more freedom of administration to municipalities.

2. Entirely elected or almost entirely elected municipal boards.
3. Powers to elect our own presidents and executive officers.
4. Powers to remove our executive officers if found unsuitable.
5. Creating widened franchise.
6. Larger grants from Provincial and Imperial funds, especially in cases of small municipalities.
7. Maintenance by Provincial Government of adequate expert staff for assisting municipalities in launching improvement schemes.

It is a matter of serious consideration to find new sources of income for municipalities. Somehow or the people expect to pay as little as possible and in return get much. I have given elsewhere my views about house tax in Sind and I wish to add some more suggestions here, I feel that the municipalities can very justifiably charge somewhat higher percentages of octroi on luxuries:- costly cloth, wines and spirits, cigarettes, motor cars, high class furniture and such articles can safely be classed for special octroi dues. A portion of income tax, say 20 percent, of the total collection should be allotted to Municipalities. I think this is an equitable demand on the part of the Municipalities.

                 The growing demands of water supply, drainage, sanitation, dispensaries, hospitals, roads etc. must necessarily mean increased expenditure and it will be just if the municipalities are allowed a small portion say five percent of the profits earned on sales of lands and buildings. If a person buys a piece of land for Rupees ten thousand and sells for fifteen thousand, a sum of Rs. 250 would be a reasonable sum to pay to the municipality, because the profit earned is greatly due in majority of cases to the improvement and development of that quarter, effected by the Municipality.

I also suggest that a local Self Government conference for Sind be held every year where the councilors of all municipalities, local boards, village panchayats and also the officers of these bodies may meet and discuss various problems, pertaining to health, sanitation, engineering, finance, water supply and such other subjects; it will have a great educative value and will be a source of mutual help to all.

I would also urge and impress upon all of us that the right of electing members on the various boards is a sacred privilege, which must be exercised with the greater amount of care and consideration. Our votes must go to the right men, men of independence, energy, knowledge and integrity. Without such members, a good deal of time, energy and effort is wasted and it becomes hopeless to move on along progressive lines. The executive is generally fond of routine work and it requires study and patience to move them out of their routine to paths of progress and development. The future of Local Self Government depends largely upon ourselves; our firmness and determination to elect right men can certainly make municipal administration successful. Municipal work is highly interesting and fascinating; it ideals practically with the main problems of men’s happiness, viz: health, sanitation, children’s welfare, education, housing problems, etc. And I consider it is the duty of every man, more so a councilor to devote some time to faithful study of municipal problems. Some of us should be prepared to sacrifice our ambition of doing public work in other fields, for the work of devoting entire time to the Municipality. Sir Pherozeshaw Mehta was fervently devoted to Municipal work and he often said that some must be prepared even to give up the Imperial and Provincial Legislative councils and stick to municipal matters. Such high ideals of duty for our own city, town or village must be deeply cherished.

The Press in Sind

            The method of the bureaucracy as far as the Press in Sind is concerned; have been very high handed and we people of Sind must raise our emphatic protest against such methods. During these years seven papers in Sind, weeklies and dailies, have one after another been called upon to pay securities, although I make bold to say that none of these papers preached anything which had the remotest connection to sedition. The Press Act and Defence of India Act were never meant for persecution for constitutional agitation. Both these acts have been greatly misused and Sind has not been free from such measure, Not only have some of them been called upon to pay security but the registered libraries have been prohibited from subscribing for them; no government and court advertisement and notices are allowed to be published in them; no printing work controlled by Government is given to them and general public is indirectly influenced not to support the papers and all this means extreme hardship particularly in case of moffusil papers which are being thus slained to death. The press owners and the editors who have thus suffered and sacrificed deserve all our sympathy and respect, not merely in words but in deeds also and I suggest that every big town must support its national organs whole heartedly. We must remember that the present awakening is mostly due to these presses and these national papers, and we must show our real gratitude. An influential committee has been formed to help our Sind National organs to keep them going and I do hope our Sind will not fall backward in helping this committee to do its work successfully. I also appeal to the Government to cancel its orders for security and to withdraw all other restrictions from the presses and thus remove a just cause for discontent. While on this subject, I cannot but express, my feelings at the way in which some of the Anglo Indian journals continue to write against Indians and Indian aspirations. The Government is ever ready to suppress a paper which points out its defects of administration and to class such writing as sedition; it is my firm belief that the insult and libelous terms daily hurled upon Indian leaders and the Indian masses, in several Anglo Indian journals go a long way in raising the anger and bitterness of Indian readers which sometimes lead to what is called sedition. I have known of several youngmen whose hearts have been burnt up with resentment and anger after reading certain Anglo Indian papers, whose profession has been the constant vilification of Indians. Freedom of the Press I believe in; liberty of opinions I am always advocating but every statement must be based on arguments and the writer ought to know its effect on the people. Do these journals understand that the Indians daily read these libels, do not take them as the opinions of certain individual editors but as the views of Englishmen generally and of the Government. That their writings instead of uniting tend towards alienation and that they actually thwart the purpose of several able Indian leaders and their followers who have entered the political arena simply to work hard to unite India and Britain and bring about a state of affairs under which Britons may not be classed as foreigners in India, either by themselves or by Indians but as true Indians working for good of India and the Empire. I urge such journals to change their attitude and policy towards Indians for the sake of the British Empire. I say that the existing policy of the Anglo Indian journals does no good to anybody; it does positive harm to the people of India and the Government and even to their own interests.

Hindus & Moslems in Sind.

               Our province of Sind contains a large majority of Muhammadan population and the progress of our province must mainly depend upon unity and good will between the Muhammadans and the Hindus. Our province has been fortunate in so far as that relations between men of different faiths have been on the whole very friendly. No community in Sind is rigidly orthodox, owing in a measure, to existence of Sufistic influence and the relations between the communities are characterized by tolerance. And we must continue to strengthen the ties between these two communities more strongly than before. Government policy to give special for Muhammadan education must receive our cordial support from all. Large grant in-aid specially made to this community must not be looked upon any way as unfair to other communities. They need it more than others and the sooner the education spreads amongst our Muhammadan brethren, the better will it be for the whole province. We know what higher education among Muhammadan has done for other provinces. The Muhammadans are as emphatic in their demand for political freedom in those provinces as the Hindus and we should like to see the same spirit in Muhammadans of Sind also. Communal representation in Municipalities and Local Boards, if it satisfies the communities must be willingly allowed; as to public services we must realize that the Muhammadan as in a majority in this province and they must be given a greater share in the administration sooner or later; a few seats in our Municipal Boards or councils must not be looked upon by the Hindus with dissatisfaction. This will pay the province well within a short period.

            I personally feel that the present policy of officials towards Muhammadans in Sind, whatever is its inspiration, is really guided by the loving hand of Province. Sind has to be ready to take its place in the front rank in India and all this must be taken as preparation for that period of glory.

            On the other hand I must also urge my Muhammadan Brethren to act more united with other communities in matters pertaining to the progress of the Province; the adoption of a better attitude and the abandonment of “JO HUKUM” are essentially necessary in these days when the struggle to win self government for India is a settled programme of our work. Aloofness from such activities must in the long run act to their own disadvantage. Surely a few scholarships, posts of Mukhtiarkars, some Mullah schools, sweet words of officials, a few titles and honorary magistrateship can never be the goal of Muhammadans in Sindh. Many Muhammadans of the present generation, it is satisfactory to note, have realized the necessity of complete unity in all activities and I would urge them to devote some more time to educative work in the moffussil to awaken the mass and their fellow-brethren.

Education in Sind

            In Sind, the state of our educational affairs is highly unsatisfactory. We have a very insufficient number of primary, middle or secondary schools. We have one solitary college but only for “Arts”; absolutely no means of acquiring sound technical, scientific, commercial, or agricultural education has been provided yet for Sindh. Our teachers are very poor paid. Even our coolies or sweepers are better paid; our text books are selected without much care or thought. Educationists in the real sense of the word hardly exist in Sind. The education department moves on in an automatic manner in same grooves as were cut thirty years ago, I do not see that the brains and the energy of educational officials in Sind are at all made use of. In a quiet corner of the cool city of Poona a Director of Public Instruction of Bombay Presidency is supposed to exist. In a quiet little bunglow in civil lines at Karachi, a gentleman, styled the Educational Inspector is supposed to reside. I am doubtful if even this much is known about the Educational department to the public of Sind. The Educational Inspector is an unknown quantity; the deputies are merely known to teachers and some of the students as task masters; teachers in Sind are only known to students as some persons to keep them under control. Having some knowledge of education in ancient India and in western counties at present, I feel that the present system of education in Sind requires a great change. I believe much of time, energy and money is being wasted.

            As it is, the education department in Sind is almost a “Pardah Nashin”. No one knows anything about it. Every child in Sind possibly knows the Collector, or the Commissioner, but no one knows the Educational Inspector. He hardly is counting in Sind. For matters educational we are either referred to the Commissioner who knows very little of education or the Director Public Instruction, who is hardly in touch with the Province, being a thousand miles away and can know very little about Sind.

            Friends, how long is this condition going to last? We must demand, I feel our own Director of Education in Sind who must be an eminent educationist and above all must know our people. He should be full of sympathy and should come in touch with every parent in Sind. He must be kept for years in Province, allowing him to rise according to his grade even if stationed in one post as the Director of Education in Sind. He must be directly responsible to the minister of education of the Presidency. Then alone, I feel our Sind will be able to get its full share of attention to improve this department both in matters of teaching and administration.

            We must insist on a detailed scheme of right education for our children, boys and girls. The education of our girls is shamefully neglected in our Province and we must strongly agitate for greater attention being paid. Sind has a long been unjustly treated in allocating budget amount for our education in comparison to other parts of the Presidency and we must now demand not only just proportion in the future but also all our dues.

            I wish to speak a few words here with due respect to our Muhammadan Brethren in connection with their Mullah Schools. The present type of Mullah Schools does no good but does positive harm to development of Muhammadans in Sind. My Muhammadan friends, I urge you to open your eyes and be wide awake; speak out boldly that you do not want, you do not care for these old type of inefficient Mulla Schools; for religious education, insist on teaching religion to your children in regular schools or at home; this system of Mullah Schools will keep you ignorant and ever under bureaucracy because of want of sufficient secular education. You should demand that technical branches be attached to your schools;  demand your teachers to be trained more rapidly, demand more pay for them, a better living wage for them and thus only will Sind rise up in full glory. I am glad to know that some of our Muhammadan leaders have realized this. I am told also that the educational department has already made useful suggestions to Government to take advantage of the present Mullah Schools and extend their scope by radical improvements. I do hope that Government will take immediate steps to improve the existing Mullah schools and put them on a more efficient basis. The want of an agricultural, a commercial and a technical College for Sind is urgent and great, and I hope, in the next budget it will be cheerfully sanctioned by the Government. I fell that if the Government and the educational department will openly take the public into confidence, with regards to education schemes now under consideration, rapid results can easily be achieved and hearty public responses relied upon. There is one important suggestion which I venture to make with a few to ensure a better understanding of our educational needs by the people of the province and that is that report of the Educational Inspector of Sind should be published for general information and not only a few strong extracts from it put in the Presidency report as is done at present. And then friends, along with the progress of education in all its branches we must begin to get ready for our own Sind University. The day for it, I assure you, is not distant and we must keep in mind that before long we shall see the stately domes of the Sind University rising against the sky, on the Clifton shore between Keamari and Clifton.

National Education in Sind

            Friends, let us welcome warmly the establishment of National Educational Institutions in our Province. As you know a National University and a Society for the promotion of National Education, governed by well known men and ladies of India have been established since the last two years. It certainly does not aim to replace all the present educational institutions in India. For the present it aims at an experiment to arrive at a correct method as to the basis of education for Indians and to remove the defects in the present system, which has been productive of such great dissatisfaction and discontent. It aims to encourage the full and free growth of all the capacities of our boys and girls and thus to serve as a model for Government and other educational institutions. Owing to old established views on education that have taken their lodgement in the minds of people, and its complete severance from official control, the National education movement in India is bound to meet for some time with almost overwhelming difficulties and therefore is the greater reason why we Indians must help it, the more at the present stage. Let us remember that the first few years, all workers, helpers and students will be called upon to make sacrifice of money, energy and possibly career; the National Institutions will have to undergo the fire of criticisms and adverse reports, and therefore I urge all our Sindhi mothers, sisters, fathers and guardians to stand by them and help. At present there is a central Sind National College started on the bank of FuleliCanal in Hyderabad Sind, a school at Hyderabad, and a Pathshalla at Karachi. Various sacrificing professors and teachers are giving their energy. It can have no official help just yet. It cannot naturally reach an ideal stage soon but we must for India’s sake welcome those and consider our province fortunate in having the National Educational Institutions, much earlier than any several other provinces. National Educational Institutions are sure to be established all over Sind as soon as opportunity permits. Friends, I beg each of you therefore to help the movement and sacrifice daily even a pie, an anna or a rupee or more for this purpose. Begging from a Presidential Chair may be somewhat out of place, but I do it with full of consciousness, feeling as I do its urgent necessity for the development of the movement in Sind.

Agriculture and Zamindari Problems in Sind

            Our province is mainly an agricultural province and more than two-thirds of its population lives by tilling the land. It behoves us therefore to attend to the various problems connected with agriculture and the life of the Zamindars in Sind.

            The relations between the agriculturist in Sind and the Government so far as revenue matters are concerned, are mostly governed by what are known as the Commissioner’s Special Circulars and our first complaint is about them. So far as I have inquired I find that these circulars have not been issued under any Act and thus lack legal authority. Their legality was even doubted by an experienced high official as can be seen from his evidence before the Decentralization Commission. But besides our objection as to their legality, the general complaint of our Zamindar is that in framing the circulars, the Zamindar’s point of view have not been and are not being taken into consideration, I consider it therefore an absolute necessity and nothing but fair that the Government should revise these circulars in consultation with educated and representative Zamindars. It is indeed to be regretted that at the last session of the Bombay Council, when Hon. Mr. Bhurgri suggested that the revision of the circulars be entrusted to a committee of officials and non-officials, the Government did not agree to the proposal but said that the Commissioner in Sind in revising the circulars will act in accordance with the usual practice and policy of Government and take into consideration the interest of the classes affected. The Government often complain of not receiving cooperation of the public and here we have a definite refusal by the Government itself of the offer of Zamindars to cooperate with officials in revising the Commissioner’s Circulars. I still hope our present Governor will see his way to accept the Zamindars’ offer as it will save a great deal of dissatisfaction.

  One of the sorest grievances of the Zamindars and the cultivators of Sindh, of very long standing is the demoralizing evil known as the Rasai system and the associated evils of Lapo and Cher. Complaints yet reach of the continuance of Rasai, Lapo and Cher; though it is satisfactory to note that some of the officials are strictly avoiding these and are endeavouring to repress them with a strong hand. Exactly an year ago a Committee was appointed to suggest measures for the suppression of these disgraceful practices. I would not now care much to speak about some very objectionable and unfair features of the proceedings of that Committee. But I do strongly protest at the inordinate delay made in publishing the report of the Committee. Although the evidence was finished in May last not even the printing of it was completed until the last month.

The Committee has yet to prepare its report. The matter is of vital importance and I hope, the report will now be ready and published soon; and now that the gravity of the evils and their wide prevailance and its real causes have been established without the slightest doubt, by the overwhelming official and non-official evidence, Government will take immediate steps to suppress the evils, calling upon all the higher officials to make serious and persistent efforts in removing the evils.

The Cooperative movement was originally started in Sind more than 13 years ago, I learn by Mr. Wali Muhammad Hussonally,; but partly owing to peculiar conditions of Sind, it did not make great headway until quite recently. The appointment of a separate Assistant Registrar for Sind has brought about a striking change. The number of Cooperative Societies in Sind has increased literally by leaps and bounds, until today they are well over 120. The movement is one of immense potentialities and if properly developed it will have very great effect on the agricultural and industrial life of Sind. Its indirect moral and educative influence on the people is of no less importance. The indefatigable efforts of Mr. Azim Khan, the Assistant Registrar of the Cooperative credit Societies in Sind have resulted in the starting of the Sind Cenrtal Cooperative Bank at Karachi, which will finance the various Cooperative Credit Societies in Sind, and I feel very hopeful that with the assistance and cooperation of the educated and mercantile community, the bank and the societies which it finances, will be able to do their part in serving Sind. We must friends; whole heartedly render our best assistance, financial and other to this cooperative movement which I regard as one of the root remedies of many of the ills of the agricultural population.     

I think it is not necessary for me to go into details of those Zamindari problems relating problems to Remission Rules, Fallow Rules and the period of land settlement. These important questions have been treated so thoroughly at the previous Conferences that I do not feel I can add anything more to arguments put forward before you, year after year. The period of settlement has lately been increased from 10 to 20 years but I do hope that before long this period will be lengthened to 30 years. The Fallow Rules I understand, have been slightly amended but we must carry on an unabated agitation for their radical amendment and also for the substitution of a more liberal remission rules.

                          I cannot pass over this question which has been for a long time past a subject of complain in Sind and which had been brought forward for discussion at the last Session of Bombay Provincial Council. The utility of the Durbar system itself is open to question; but chair-system in the sense that non-durbaris are not regarded as eligible for a chair when visiting officials is clearly indefensible. I am surprised that a committee is to be appointed by the Government for this subject. It is a matter of ordinary and good manners that a chair be offered to any member of the public who visits an official either for business or any other purpose, and I do not see what will a Committee do? A direct instruction or an order to the officials in Sind should be issued by the Governor in Council pointing out that this practice of asking visitors whether they are eligible for chair is highly annoying to the people, that it must be immediately discontinued and the ordinary rules of etiquette to offer a chair to members of the public must be strictly observed. Offering a chair, to a visitor whether he is eligible for it in the Official Darbar or not, cannot in the least come in the way of the prestige or the dignity of the officials.

If this practice is not abolished I would certainly go to the length of suggesting our Sindhis to refuse Durbar invitations and entirely stop visiting officials.

The Government of India and of Bombay have treated Sind most unfairly so far as Canals are concerned. Sind which is most in need of water and canals has received the least attention. Even though pointed out by eminent experts that Canal projects carried out in the Punjaub without adequate measures being taken to insure proper supply of water to Sind, would be detrimental to our province on scientific and technical grounds, the Government practically gave a deaf ear to such warnings. Several schemes have been prepared over and over again for constructing more canals and for securing more water to agricultural land in Sind but in spite of the passage of many years, no actual work has been commenced. They are still projects on paper. The Sukkur Barrage scheme, the most urgent necessity of Sind is still hanging fire and in the meantime the condition of our agriculturists is growing worse, our zamindars are dragged down with debts and in consequence the agriculture suffers with shortage of food, high price and even famine.

                    Whilst on the subject of Canals, I cannot but express our extreme dissatisfaction at the meager allotment budgeted for irrigation in the last session of the Imperial Council; a huge sum of seventeen million pounds was allotted to Railways but for Canals only one and half millions. I do admit the importance of efficient railways but at present in India we want food before anything else.

                     The Government projects and schemes on account of official routine system, always proceed slow and the perpetual tumbling block of “no finances” always comes in the way and I therefore suggest that the canals in India be allowed to be constructed and developed by private enterprise and capital. There will be no difficulty for us in Sind and anywhere in India to float Joint-stock companies to construct Canals and supply water to agriculturists on easy terms; all such schemes just as is done in cases of light Railway Companies can be placed before the Government for it sanction. Option may be given to the Government to buy up canals from the companies after a period of fifteen or twenty years. Each Company may be granted a span of few miles and joint arrangements similar to those of Railway Companies can be made for water supply by different canal companies throughout the area. A special canal Committee of experts should be appointed to work out various detail schemes for canals in all parts of India and opportunities should be given to private capitalists and financiers to float the Canal Companies and take up construction works without delay. I am sure within a few years we can thus make a marvelous headway in irrigational development in India; the Indian capital and labour will thus be more fully and usefully employed, the young men of India will find a larger scope for utilization of their energy, our impoverished masses will be able to get abundent food and perhaps famine shall be no more.

                      My friends, I have come to the end of my Presidential discourse; all throughout the address I have attempted to paint the Government, the officials and ourselves, friends and opponents, in colours in which I can see; whether they are true or false, how far true or how far false, I leave to your judgment. I will not be ashamed to own my misjudgment and correct myself if at any time, I am so convinced.

I am a dreamer and an idealist and I dream of a glorious India along with a glorious world. I am one of those who believe Providence will not allow us to stand still if we desire to work for our growth. Our country has awakened once again and until its struggles for its place in the present civilization are over, it will not rest.

                  I feel anxious at present for more than one reason but I am not despondent; but I feel and urge the necessity of a cool brain side by side with a strong mind and will; let us make due allowance for the present stage of human nature and its limitations, and above all let us trust in God and His Agents. Let us feel the hand of Providence which is everywhere and we will be a free Nation before long, standing side by side with all other nations. I feel that the day when we will stand as equal partners in the British Empire is not far away. I would however beg of you to feel that “SWARAJ or HOME RULE” does not mean our salvation or the end of our unhappiness and misery. I would urge you not to be deluded with the mire of Self Government. Do we not see that Home Rule in England or America has not ended miseries or unhappiness there? Poverty, disease and even autocracy have not ended in England, Canada, America or Australia; slums do not appear to have vanished; hungry faces are still to be seem by thousands. Strikes, labour unrest, bitter party agitation and hatred, religious bigotry have not ended. Capitalists’ ambition to keep the labour suppressed is yet dominant. Turn where you will in the world and you find the one common cause of all miserlyman’s own greed and selfishness to earn money, become rich and secure happiness at the expense of others; and unless man is prepared to change his innerself, his mental condition and his heart, no form of self Government or Home Rule can bring happiness in any country. I do urge friends, that we who aspire to gain Swaraj should be really prepared to give freedom and allow full opportunities to those whom Providence has brought around us within the sphere of our influence in whatever way. Thus alone shall we save our Bharat Land from strikes, famine and unrest. I would urge yon to study the growth of such towns as Port Sunlight, Delectaland and Bradford in England or Dayton in the United States of America and see if we cannot attempt to bring about the co-operation of capital and labour in however humble a way in our own surroundings and sphere to make mankind happier.

                        When I read and study the various schemes now being worked in some of the cities of Europe and America, for the welfare of every mother and child in those cities, for aged persons, for the blind and the maimed, for providing healthy homes for all poor persons, for the moral improvement of every man and woman, my heart leaps with joy and yet at the same time with sorrow-I have often sadly murmured, “My land, My motherland when shall such a day come for thee?”

And my brothers and sisters, therefore do I feel that the real ultimate goal of life is not self-Government which is but a means to that goal. Side by side we have to fix our eyes towards something higher, much nobler, more powerful, more lasting nay Eternal.

                         I would also urge not to work upon the maxim “India for Indians only.” We must not take a narrow sense of that expression. India must be not only for Indians but for all those who make India their Home. Let there be no limit as to who can be an Indian. We do not want foreign exploiters to draw away the wealth of India but we would welcome all who make India their own country and work for its welfare as any Indian would. Let us make our country a melting pot for all to become Indians and no one shall remain as a “foreigner” in India; This is the true tradition of our Bharat Land; our scriptures, our Spiritual Teachers have taught us these essentials of happy natural life; and whatever be the struggles for political freedom let us not forget these noble lessons of our Great Teachers without which our land shall never achieve true greatness. How happy would India be if the Britons in India did not remain as mere foreigners as they do at present but would willingly become Indians at Heart and true Christians by faith.

                         Before I sit down, my last words, my hope, my appeal to you my friends: let us work together and work hard to make our India once again glorious as in the past, the Land of the Great Devas, the Sages, the Rishis, and the Prophet; then shall truly India’s mission of Swaraj or Home Rule be fulfilled.

VANDE MATRAM

SEVENTH SIND

 PROVINCIAL CONFERENCE

HELD AT SUKKUR (1920)

         The first sitting of the seventh Provincial Conference which was to take place today at 12 noon came off an hour and a half later as much of the time of the prominent members was taken up in the discussion in the Khilafat question at an informal meeting of leading Hindu and Muhammadan delegates.

There appeared to have been some difference of opinion as regards the Khilafat question, most Hindu not being prepared to go the length proposed by Muhammadans. It is understood that after much discussion a compromise was arrived at. There were about 5,000 persons present including visitors of whom about 1,000 were Muhammadans. The special feature of this Conference was that there were about 500 peasant delegates for whom a fee of annas four was charged. There were also about 40 Muhammadan volunteers who were seen working in the pandal along with the Hindu volunteers. Among these present were the Hon. Mr. Harchand Rai , Mr. Jamshed, Mr, Bhurgri, Mr, Lalchand of Larkana, Mr. Murlidhar, Mr. Jeramdas , Mr. Hirdaram , Mr. Durgdas, Mr.Marriwalla , Mr. Sidhwa, Mr. Jethmal , Doctor Choithram, Swami Govindanand, Mr. Lokamal Chellaram and Mr. Santdas, Mr. Mulchand P., Mr. Bhojsing, Mr. Virumal, Mr. Vasmani, Mr. Jaswani, and Mr. Kishindas . After national and welcome songs the chairman of the Reception Committee, Mr. Viroomal Begraj read out his address in which he expressed his sorrow at the death of Diwan Pessumal  Zoukiram, Chairman of the Reception Committee of the 1st Provincial Conference, and Mr. Himatsing, General Secretary of the 1stConference and President of the 2nd Conference held at Hyderabad. He rejoiced to see many Muhammadan delegates at the Conference, who were now taking greater and greater interests in political matters. At one time pointed out, sycophants and title hunters stood outside the Conference gates to keep away the Muhammadans from joining the Conference. Things were changing and they were realizing in increasing measure that personal interests must be subordinated to the interests of the nation, and that to help their needy brethren was of greater value than hunting after titles and high Govt. posts. After thanking various persons who had made it possible for him to undertake the delicate duties of Chairmanship, he referred to the auto crated powers of the Commissioner, which he said must be substantially decreased. He condemned the action of the Government in issuing search warrants in April last against respectable persons of unimpeachable character. The prosecution against Messrs. Durgdas and Marriwala and Jethmal were unwise but he was proud to see that Sind could boast of political martyrs men who had suffered imprisonment for the sake of their country. It was after 10 years that 3 Sindhis were tried for sedition, which showed that the political life in Sind was not so vigorous. Their leaders unlike other leaders of the provinces were timid. He was glad to find a National College in Hyderabad and he hoped branches of the College would be established in different parts of Sind. In Government College the atmosphere was cramped and the students were prohibited from attending any political meetings. In spite of their help in the Great War, the Government put on the statute book the Rowlatt Act which was an insult to them. What followed the agitation against the Act he said was known to them. The ruthless murder of innocent people at Amritsar was a standing shame to the honour of the British. The regime of the Martial Law was too terrible to to be described. The Royal proclamation was conceived in a generous spirit but the men on the spot had not carried out fully the intentions of His Majesty. He expressed his joy at the release of LalaLajpatrai, LalaHarkishin Lal, and others including their Sindhi fighters Messrs. Durgdas, Jethmal and Marriwala. He pointed out the difficulties under which Zamindars, Mukhis and Jagirdas were undergoing on account of the tyranny of the petty Government officials. The institution of the system of Honorary Magistrate ship had not remedied the evil, as those posts were given to persons who were Jo Hukmms of the government who would say that India should not get Home Rule, but if she should they should get the large share in the administration of their country. The Government accused their voters of corrupt practices but it did mind how the posts of Honorary Magistrate ship and Municipal Councillorship were being conferred on the people. Mr. Norton had declared that until the government did away with the system conferring titles the officials would never efficiently carry out the machinery of the government. For the idea of Home Rule they were great full first to DadabhoyNarojee, and then to Tilak and Mrs. Besant. They had no control over their purse and in the budget a deficit of 19 crores was shown. They were undergoing great hardship on account of the system of Railway administration. The C.I.D. was persecuting the most respectable among them. He appealed to them to use Swadeshi articles for the economic prosperity of their country. The hardships of Income Tax were untold. Irresponsible officials were persecuting poor people, as was evident from the example of one Lakhi, a confectioner who was asked to pay Rs. 1,281, and in the appeal he had got the amount reduced to Rs. 86 only. Another man after the appeal had to pay only Rs. 75 when before it he was to pay Rs. 6,000. The Press Act a most harsh measure was condemned alike by the Moderates and Extremists. He expressed his satisfaction that securities were returned to some papers. Referring to the Khalifat question he said the whole India was now engaged in endavouring to bring about a just settlement of the question. The Turks should get Turkey for the protection of Muslims and others and should have suzerainty over the holy places. Arabia should get self government. He condemned the action of some Muhammadans who were secretly working against the Khilafat question. The demonstration of the 19th March was a testimony of the Hindu Moslem Unity. Austria was politically secure; Turkey therefore should not be broken to pieces. For securing the co-operation of the people, Press Act, Arms Act, Rowlatt Act, Indemnity Act and other repressive acts should be removed from the statute book. Indians should be given a predominant share in the administration of their country and should be freely admitted in Army and Navy. Rasai still continued to be a standing evil. Mr. Tilak and others were clearly saying that the Reforms were disappointing and unsatisfactory. Many English companies were getting facilities for carrying out their business enterprise. The Government was very clever in setting Moderates against Extremists. For the sake of prestige the Government was not remedying many wrongs. The speeches on cow protection of MaulanaShoukat Ali and others must stir the hearts of Hindu. Mahatma Gandhi, who had the indomitable courage of Napolean stood for non violence and he hoped in considering the measures to meet the exigency of situation created by the Khilafat and other question they will follow his principle of Satyagrah. In the end he closed his speech with the cry of Allaho Akbar and BandeMatram.

ELECTION OF PRESIDENT

After this Mr. MulchandPessumal rose to ratify the election of the President. Mr. Murlidhar of Shikarpur, Mr. Junijo of Larkana, Mr. Aminudin of Hyderabad, Mr. Gurdino mal from Mirpurkhas, Mr. Hotchand of Jacobabad, Mr. Jethmal of Hyderabad, and Seth Lalumal of Karachi one after another formally seconded the proposition, after which Seth Haji Abdullah Haroon took his presidential seat and was garlanded among cries of Allaho Akbar and BandeMatram. (The Daily Gazette, dated April 5, 1920 Page 10).

SECOND SITTING

The second sitting of the Provincial Conference came off this morning under the presidency of Seth Hajee Abdul Haroon and lasted for about four hours. The attendance at this session was much larger than what it was yesterday and every available space was occupied. A larger number of Muhammadans mostly peasants also were in audience. About 1,000 delegate’s tickets appeared to have been issued. The number of visitors far exceeded the usual number. At this sitting the following four resolutions were passed;

FIRST RESOLUTION

(a) This Conference places on record it’s most emphatic opinion that the maintenance of the present position of the Commissioner in Sind is inconsistent with the introduction of the principle of responsibility and powers of popular control and influence granted by the Reform Act and is against the vital interests of the province of Sind. It therefore strongly urges upon Government the imperative necessity, in the interests of the continuance of the Bombay Sind connection, of repealing Act V of 1868 and withdrawing all the powers delegated to the Commissioner in Sind whether under that Act or the Decentralization Act of 1914 which are at present in excess of those enjoyed by the Commissioners of other Divisions.

(b) This Conference appoints the following committee to prepare a representation in support of the above demand: Mr. Sandas, Mr. Jermadas, Mr. Lulla and Mr. Gopaldas.

This Conference also appoints the following deputation to wait upon His Excellency the Governor of Bombay with a memorial: Hon. Mr. Harchandrai, Hon. Mr. Bhurgri, Hajee Abdullah Haroon, Mr. Murlidhar, Mr. Bhojsing, Mr. Jeramdas, Mr. Jan Muhammad, Mr. Durgdas, Mr. MulchandPessumal, Professor Vaswani, Moulvi Abdul Ghafur, Mr. Pessumal from Nawabshah.

Proposed by Mr. Gopaldas, seconded by Santdas and supported by Abdul Majid and Jan Muhammad.

SECOND RESOLUTION

(a) This Conference regrets that the non Muslims of Sind have been given very inadequate representation on the Bombay Legislative Council under the Reform Act as compared with non Muslims in the Presidency and strongly urges that the non Muslim representation be increased from three to five members by doubling their rural representation in consideration of their great voting strength, the extensive areas of their constituencies and the fact that the non Mussulman minority in Sind deserves the same treatment as the Muslim minority in the Presidency proper.

(b) And in order to maintain the Muslim and non Muslim proportion fixed by the Lucknow pact and in view of the fact that the Muhammadans of Sind are underrepresented, one more seat be given to Muhammadans of Sind.

(c) The same committees as was appointed under Resolution, be appointed for the same purpose.

Proposed by Mr. Santdas, seconded by Mr. Murlidhar and supported by Dr. NurMahamud.

THIRD RESOLUTION

(a) This Conference most strongly condemns the attempts being made in South Africa and particularly the Transvaal to deprive the Indian settlers of the rights of property, trade and residence hitherto enjoyed by them and trusts that the Government of India will secure the repeal of the recently enacted legislation and otherwise ensure the protection of the Indian settlers in South Africa.

(b) This Conference is of opinion that the Anti-Indian agitation now going on in East Africa is utterly unscrupulous and trusts that the Government of India will safeguard the rights of free and unrestricted emigration from India to East Africa and the full civil and political rights of the Indian settlers in East Africa including the East Africa territory conquered from Germany.

(c) This Conference has learnt with apprehension news about recent riots in Fiji and to ascertain the real causes of the discontent the Conference urges upon Government of India to urge Indian representation in the Commission of Enquiry appointed by the Fihi government.

(d) This Conference views with alarm the recent revolutionary changes from the rupee to the Sterling standard introduced in the currency system of East Africa, as they are sure to lead to economic ruin to the Indian community there.

Proposed by Dr. Choithram, seconded by Mr. Mulchand P. and supported by LalchandAdvani and Dr. Ahmed.

FOURTH RESOLUTION

This Conference urges the Government to take early measures to repeal the Press Act, the Seditious meeting Act and all other repressive legislature as the continuance of such legislature on Statue Book is inconsistent with the new era promised in the Royal proclamation.

FIFTH RESOLUTION

This conference lodges its most emphatic protest against the unjustified deportation of Mr. Horniman and strongly urges the Governor of Bombay and Viceroy to order cancellation of the order of deportation of Mr. Horniman and strongly urges the Governor of Bombay and Viceroy to order cancellation of the order of deportation and grant him passports for his immediate return to India.

Proposed by Hon. Mr. Harchandrai, seconded by Mr. Kishindas.

In moving the first resolution with regard to the powers delegated to the Commissioner in Sind, Mr. GopaldasJhamatmal traced the history of Sind administration from the time of the British Conquest of Sind when the province was placed under a separate Governor to the present day.

In course of time with the improved communications it was placed under the Government of Bombay. Owing to great distance however it was found necessary in 1868 to pass an Act by which all the powers of the Governor could be delegated to the Commissioner in Sind. After the report of the Decentralization Committee almost all the powers had been delegated to the Commissioner. These powers, if not withdrawn, would lose the beneficial effect of the recent reforms.

Mr. Santdas in seconding the resolution said that powers were delegated to the Commissioner under 78 Acts. The speaker had gone through the correspondence which had led to the passing of the Act 5 of 1868. In those days the Commissioner had not even the power of transferring prisoners from one jail to another. This was the reason on which the recommendation for the passing of the above act was based. Gradually other powers were given till at last the Commissioner now enjoyed almost all the powers of the Governor.

Mr. Jonejo, of Larkana in supporting the resolution declared the Commissioner with such extensive powers as a calamity for them. He could make and unmake anybody. He could raise any body to heaven and hurl down anybody to hell. He referred to the unjustified searches of Hon. Mr. Bhurgri and other respectable people in Hyderabad. He referred to the treatment received at the hands of Government by PirPagaro and sympathized with the Hurswho where shut up in one place. Referring to Zamindars he said that they were completely at the mercy of the Commissioner and that accounted for the presence of so few Zamindars at the Conference. The Commissioner he said, enjoyed more powers than even King George, V, himself. In conclusion he said that such powers possessed by the Commissioner he would prefer leaving the place and living elsewhere.

In moving the second resolution regarding the inadequate representation of the non Muslims of Sind in the Bombay Legislative Council, Mr. Santdas said that in accordance with the Congress League Pact at Lucknow 46 seats were assigned to non Muslims and 27 to Muhammadans of which 13 Muslim seats were assigned to Sind Muslim and only 3 to non Muslims. This had placed the Sind non Muslims at a great disadvantage when compared with the non Muslims of the Presidency. They did not want to disturb the distribution already made but suggested the creation of two more seats for Hindus and one for Muhammadan as the Act gave powers for the increase of the numbers of seats to the extent of 5%

At this stage a Bania created a scene by entering the Pandal and beating his head said that he had been unjustly treated by the Income tax authorities who had got him handcuffed and brought about his ruin. He was asked to sit down and the President ruled that he should be heard at the time of taking Income tax resolution.

Mr. Murlidhar of Shikarpur said that he had seen the Secretary of State for India and Lord Sinha in this connection and had received an encouraging reply. They had both admitted the justness of the claim but wanted some representation from the public. Last week the speaker said he had seen the Reform Commissioner Mr. Seddon who raised several objections which were not so serious.

Dr. NurMahomad in supporting the resolution said that the Hindus had done them a favor at the Licknow Congress League Compact and they were under a deep debt of obligation to them that they had assigned to them one third the total number of seats in Councils. He was not yet quite sure whether the Muhammadan community in view of the circumstances brought about by Khilafat question would participate in the coming elections but personally he would not object to any Muslim seats being given to Hindus.

In moving the third resolution regarding the Indians in Africa, Dr. Choithram reviewed the whole situation from the very beginning and said that they were having recourse to queer pretext for excluding the Indians from Africa. The act laid down that undesirables were to be excluded but everybody knew that it will be applied to Indians. In the end he suggested that if the Colonies did not come round, the British Government should declare war against them and the Indians would heartily so-operate with them. Before passing the above resolution Mai Suraswati a Mahratta lady of Karachi sang a beautiful song reviewing the economic condition of India which touched the hearts of the whole audience.

In moving the fourth resolution regarding the repressive measures about the press, Mr. Bhojsing referred to the Press Act of 1910 when he said an assurance was given that the High Court will have adequate powers over the acts of the Executives. The High Court's however had declared that their hands were tied and they could not interfere in these matters. He declared that the present was a suitable time for abolishing all the repressive measures.

Swami Goverdanand in seconding the resolution compared the Editors of papers with Rishis who did great services to the public. But for these repressive measures incidents like the Jallianwalla tragedy would never have occurred. Such things could only happen when the press was suppressed at the time. Mr. Bunga in supporting the resolution said that being a Journalist himself he could speak from personal knowledge. He said that the Press Act was most iniquitous in working as it differentiated between Indians and Anglo Indian papers. It also made distinctions between papers that expressed moderate view and those that voiced forth national opinions.

Mr. Jethmal supporting the resolution said that Bureaucracy was responsible for this state of things. They were proving rebellious to their King Emperor who had enjoined them to work in co-operation. Security had been returned to many papers but with held from some who fearlessly voiced forth nationalist views. The papers to which the security had not been returned were being looked upon with great respect and such as were doing service to the country.

The last resolution regarding the deportation of Mr. Horniman was moved by the Hon. Mr. Harchand Rai. Only two charges leveled at Mr. Horniman by the advocates of government action were sati factionary refuted by Mr. Horniman himself and it was rather unmanly on the part of Government to have stabbed him in the dark without giving him an opportunity of clearing himself. Mr. KichindasJharmrai seconded the resolution which was passed. The third sitting of the Conference takes place tomorrow at 1p.m.

SINDH PROVINCIAL CONFERENCE:

LAST MEETING

The third and last sitting of the Provincial Conference which was to be held at 12 noon had to be postponed to 2 p.m. owing to prolongation of the meeting of the Subject Committee in the morning. The attendance at this meeting was not as large as at the first two sittings because of the absence of almost all the Muhammadan delegates and visitors who were at the Muslim League meeting which was being held at the same time. The pandal was however full except a few galleries at the extremity which were unoccupied throughout the sitting. This year, proper attention does not appear to have been given to keep order in the pandal with the result that several visitors were found in the delegates seats and several boys under 21 were also there so that some delegates proper at to days sitting found that their seats had been occupied and there were no more seats available in that block. Several Sukkur people were found occupying Karachi and Hyderabad blocks which were nearest to the platform. The volunteers could not enforce proper discipline as they appeared more anxious to seat themselves whether in chairs or on the ground near the speaker than stick to the posts assigned to them. The proceedings commenced with the singing of the national song after which the following resolution was moved by Mr. Santdas of Hyderabad.

REPRESSIVE POLICY

“This Conference expressed its severe condemnation at the repressive policy pursued in Sind by Mr. H. S. Lawence and other officials in Sind in April last.

“This Conference is further of opinion that the above official took advantage of the critical situation which had developed in other parts of India, for the purpose of striking a blow at all political workers in Sind, by prosecuting some and instituting searches and arresting others on palpably false allegations.

This Conference regrets that no action has been taken against the officials concerned and urges upon the Government of Bombay the absolute necessity of taking actions against Mr. Lawrence and such other officials as were concerned in the agitation and carrying out of that repressive policy.”

Mr. Santdas in moving the above resolution said that action taken against the political workers at Hyderabad was based on the police report made on the 26th April with respect to a plot at Mr. Bhurgri’s bungalow on 28th March, in connection with the closing of shops by force. When however it was satisfactorily shown that Mr. Bhurgri was out of Hyderabad on that day the officials concerned were in affix and had eventually to acknowledge their mistake and withdraw the cases against all. The matter, the speaker said had reached the ears of Mr. Montagu and he was fully informed of the whole case of Mr. Bhurgri.

Mr. Abdul Karim who seconded the resolution said that when poor people were tried for offences alleged to have been committed by them why should the officials whose duty it was to safeguard their property and person, escape punishment if they were found guilty. Mr. Sidhya in supporting the resolution gave his personal experience regarding the search of his house and said that he was credibly informed that the same Mr. Lawrence was coming back to rule over the province in May next and therefore they should protest against his being here where he had proved a failure. The resolution was unanimously carried.

LOYAL EXPRESSION

The next resolution moved with regard to offering thanks to His Majesty the King Emperor for his gracious proclamation of 23rdDecember 1919, which unanimously passed.

JALLIANWALLA FUND

In moving the next resolution urging all the Sindhis to do patriotic duty in subscripting liberally towards the JalianwallaBagh fund. Mr. LokamalChellaram made a stirring speech with regard to the Jallianwala tragedy and made an appeal for funds in suitable terms. Mr. Narsinglal who seconded the resolution stated that about 1,200 had been killed and about 3,600 wounded in the Jallianwalla tragedy and it was their imperative duty to do something in memory of those that had fallen when nothing was done to punish the perpetrators for their unmanly conduct. Mr. Choithram in supporting the resolution said that their object was not to perpetrate the memory of hatred against the British or General Dyer but to keep memory of those that had fallen. About ten lakhs of rupees, the speaker said, were required of which Sind was expected to contribute Rs. 50,000. He announced that Mr. Jamshed Mehta, MukhiJethanand, the Hon. Mr. Bhurgri and two others had subscribed Rs. 1,000 each and made an appeal to the wealthy sethias and others to subscribe Liberally. The appeal received a hearty response and about Rs. 15,000 was subscribed on the spot. Hon. Mr. Bhurgri, and Seth Hajee Abdul Satar each subscribed Rs. 1,000. MessrsMurlidhar, Rejhumal Lahori and Hirdaram each subscribed Rs. 500. Seth Khemchand, Mr. Suganlal, Seth HajeeSatar and Seth Sundersing each subscribed Rs. 250. Seth MadandasMendo, Seth Girdhridas, Seth Chellasing each subscribed Rs. 20. About a dozen subscribed Rs. 150 or 151 each. About 20 subscribed Rs. 100 or a little each. The number of those that subscribed under Rs. 100 each was also considerable. A hat that was sent round the pandal also brought in a good sum. A medal of Mrs. Annie Besant worn by Doctor Choithram was offered by him for the Jallianwalla fund. It was put to auction and knocked down of Rs. 701 to Seth RatanchandVirbhandasJumani. A Sind work boy from Hyderabad gave away his watch towards the fund. It was auctioned and fetched Rs. 225. MahrajGandi’s Secretary ring was likewise sold for Rs. 150. A poor hari gave away his stick which fetched Rs. 50 in the auction. A photo of leaders of India hung up at the entrance of the Pandal was sold for Rs. 125 to Mr. Hirdaram who again presented it to the National College. One shoe maker by name Dhanji paid Rs. 6. Several boys also paid small sums and some of them gave their gold buttons.

One girl who was present there took out a gold earning from her ear and offered it to the fund. This fetched Rs. 125 at the auction. The audience expressed strong desire to have all the things received put to auction but as much of the time of the Conference had been taken up in the work of collection, Mr. Santdas was called upon to read the following resolution from the Chair as they were fully discussed in the subject Committee and were of non-contentious character, and all were earned unanimously

RASAI

The Conference most emphatically protests against the inordinate delay in the publication of the report of the Rasai Committee appointed in March 1918 and strongly urges upon Government, the imperative necessity of the immediate publication of the report and the recommendation of the Government as any further delay will only strengthen the popular belief that Government is not serious in its attitude against the evil custom.

(b) This Conference regrets that even during the last two years which the report of the inquiry and Governments decision have been awaited for Rasai, Lapo and Chher have continued unabated.

LABOUR UNION

This conference urges the District Congress Committee in Sind to promote labor unions throughout the Province with a view to improving social, economic and political conditions of the laboring classes and securing for them a fair standard of living and a proper place in the body politic of India.

LANDLORD AND TENANT

That the Committee consisting of Hon. Mr. Bhurgri, Mr. Santdas and Mr. Gunshamdas be appointed to enquire into and report on the relations now existing between the zamindars and haris of Sind and recommend the measure that may be necessary for more equitably readjusting their relations.

COW SLAUGHTER

That this Conference tenders its hearty thanks to Muslims of India and particularly the Muslims of Sind for their resolution to respect the wishes of their Hindu brethren by avoiding cow-slaughter.

BOMBAY SIND RAILWAY

This Conference earnestly appeal the Government of Bombay to take very early steps to arrange a direct Railway connection between Bombay and Sind either through Cutch or via Nagarparkar and Deesa as a much shorter railway route than the existing one vitally affects the political and economic interests of Sind.

Translation of Vernacular Newspaper.

This conference is emphatically of opinion that in view of the fact that the Government of Bombay is not in adequate touch with public opinion in Sind. It is essential that the vernacular papers of Sind be translated in the office of the Oriental Translator at Bombay and submitted by him to the Bombay Government and the Commissioner in Sind.

ROWLATT ACT

This Conference is firmly of opinion that there would be no real peace in the country until the Rowlatt Act which has caused unprecedented feeling is repealed and therefore earnestly asks the Right Honorable the Secretary of State for India to advise the viceroy to take immediate steps to have it repealed.

DEPORTATION

This conference strongly protests against the action of the Commissioner in Sind for deporting three Indian gentlemen of Karachi, born in Indian States but residents of British India for long period, for their identifying themselves with the Satyagarha Movement, classing them as foreigners. This conference demands from the Government of India immediate repeal of such powers of the Commissioner in Sind and further to compensate those three gentlemen for all losses borne by them through such misuse of powers by Mr. Lawrence, the late Commissioner in Sind.

RAILWAY PASSENGER’S TROUBLES

That this Conference brings to the notice of the Railway authorities the inconveniences and hardship which the 3rd class passengers from whom the largest portion of the Railway revenue is derived have to suffer owing to:-

(a) Habitual overcrowding in Railway trains.

(b) Lack of several necessary facilities for traveling and of sanitary conveniences.

(c) Disregard of Railway servants of their duties towards the public.

(d) Rough, insolent and impolite behavior of some of the Railway servants towards Indians in general and 3rd class passengers in particular, and that this Conference requests that early action may be taken to remedy these grievances and it further urges that Government should see that no Railway body has the right of reserving compartments for only certain section of a community such as Europeans and Eurasians and Anglo Indians.

(e) This Conference further urges that not more than half the total authorized number of passengers allowable to travel by day should be allowed to travel by night in the same compartments.

DOCK PASSENGR’S GRIEVANCES

This Conference views with great dissatisfaction the very bad treatment meted out to the passengers of the B.I.S.N. Co at the Cutch and Kathiawar Coast ports and urges the Government of Bombay to appoint a Committee to look into the grievances and to redress them at an early dates.

RAILWAY FARES

This Conference urges the Government of India to immediately reduce the Railway fares which had been increased during the war to pre war level and to reintroduce the system of Return ticket.

KARCHI DELHI RAILWAY

This Conference requests the Government of India to take the construction work of the Karachi Delhi Railway at a very early date.

This Conference brings to the notice of the Agent, North Western Railway, Lahore that although the authorities sanctioned in the month of February to attach a through compartment of First and Second Class for Karachi Delhi and vice versa, the practice is not regularly followed and it is hoped that this will be given effect to strictly.

Higher Posts in Bombay Government Department.

This Conference views with great dissatisfaction the Government of Bombay’s decision in showing undue favoritism to persons of European Parentage in the matter of appointments to the Public Services in this Presidency and believes that unless this racial distinction is removed the new era would not produce the desired effect in the country.

INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT

This Conference urges upon the people of Sind that the economic improvement of country demands a practical propaganda for the Industrial Development especially of artisan classes and therefore earnestly urges the adoption of Swadeshi.

AMNESTY

This Conference strongly protests against the inadequate effect given to the amnesty clause in the Royal Proclamation and urges Government that all persons convicted of any offence connected with the political movement in India or interned or deported for political reasons should be immediately released and granted full liberty of action and movement, and in case where release is not considered consistent with public safety the grounds for such contentions be published. This Conference further urges the All India Congress Committee to organize agitation in the country and take other suitable steps to make Government give full effect to the intention of the proclamation in this behalf.

KHILAFAT

This Conference is of opinion that an alarming situation will arise in India if the Turkish Peace settlement is not compatible with the demands made by Moslems of India and requests the All India congress Committee and all Indian Moslem League Council, and Central Khilafat Committee to consider what steps should be taken in the event of failure of a satisfactory settlement of the Turkish problem.

ROYAL PROCLAMATION

This Conference tenders its respectful thanks to his Majesty the King Emperor for his Gracious Proclamation dated the 23rd December, 1919 and wholeheartedly welcomes the announcement of the Prince of Wales visit to India and trusts that by the time of the Prince’s visit to our Country the question of the Khilafat will be so amicably settled as to enable millions of His Majesty’s subject in India to give him whole hearted reception.

INCOME TAX

This Conference realizing the good intention of the Government of India orders with respect to the right working of Income tax laws, is of opinion that its working still continues to cause great dissatisfaction and discontent in many places in Sind and urges the authorities to openly issue such instructions to the Income Tax Collectors and Commissioner to administrate those laws in just and fair spirit.

2. This Conference is of opinion that the working of the Income Tax Act will be greatly frustrated if in the event of Income Tax Collector not accepting the figures of D. Form, the decision of assessment be not entrusted to the arbitration of three non official persons, one elected by the Collector and one by the Assesses and a Sirpunch elected by the two arbitrators.
3. This Conference is further of opinion that the present system of the appellate authority having no other agency of advice but that of Income Tax Collector is unjust and therefore demands that an advisory Board of 3 non official persons be appointed at each place to advise the appellate Commissioner just as is done in matters of rent Act appeals.
4. This Conference protests against un-business like and discourteous treatment accorded to assesses during their attendance in the Income Tax Office and urges that adequate provision should be made for the comfort of the assesses and they should be treated with courtesy and consideration and all possible facilities be given to avoid waste of time caused by prolonged attendance and frequent postponements.

INDIANS ON N.W.R. STAFFS

This Conference notes with regret and bring it to the attention of the N.W.Ry. Administration and the Railway Board that there are no Indian employees in the higher grades of services of the Loco Department and other services e.g. Loco Superintendents, Assistants and even Foreman of different shops and urges on the authorities concerned to take immediate steps to open the appointments to Indians freely.

This Conference places on record its emphatic protests against the invidious racial distinction observed by the Railway authorities in the grant of pay to Europeans, Anglo Indians, Native Christians and Paris and Indians holding the same appointment and demands the immediate abolition of the same.

That this Conference tenders its hearty thanks to the Members of the Congress Sub-Committee for their hard and earnest work in making through enquiries and a report regarding the martial law affairs in Punjab for the information of all people.

That this Conference offers its highest respects to Mahatma Gandhi, Pandit Madan Mohan Malya and PanditMotilal Nehru for their great services to Punjab in its extremely difficult days.

That this Conference is of emphatic opinion that Indians born in Indian States, residing in British India should receive all privileges under the new Reform and Scheme, and requests the Government of India to extend to them all those privileges of the Indians.

MUNICIPALITY EDUCATION

This Conference urges all Municipalities to frame schemes of Primary free and compulsory education and further urges the Municipal Councilors to find means for working such schemes if need be by extra taxation and requests the public to support such scheme and extra burden of such taxation whole heartedly and where adequate funds are not available to the Municipalities of cities which can not bear additional taxation no maximum limit should be fixed to the proportion of grant-in-aid by Government.

PUNJAB QUESTION

This Conference is of opinion that whilst Mob excesses, although committed after grave provocation were worthy of condemnation, the deliberate and calculated massacre without warning by General Dyer, of innocent, unarmed and otherwise defenseless people at JalianwalaBagh was an unexampled act of barbarity and hopes that the Government of India and the Home Government will take such steps as will render impossible a repetition of such barbarities committed by responsible officers in the Punjab during period of martial law and hopes that recommendations made by the Punjab Sub Committee of the Indian National Congress will be carried out in their entirety.

(b) That all the official offenders should be immediately cashiered and impeachment or criminal proceedings be forthwith instituted against them.

(c) That an all India Deputation should forthwith proceed to England to place before the British Democracy and His Majesty’s Ministers, the true facts of the Martial law regime and to press for the carrying out of the Indian wishes.

(d) That the persons convicted with the last April disturbances not yet released be immediately released.

HONORARY MAGISTRATES

That in the opinion of this conference the system of appointing Honorary Magistrates and Benches on the recommendation of the Executive Officers and police has proved a failure and that in future Honorary Magistrates and Benches should be elected by the people as the Municipal Councilors are elected.

RENT ACT

That this Conference thanks the Government for introducing Rent Act at Bombay, Karachi, and Calcutta etc. and urges its extension for a further period of 2 years and also at other places of India wherever demanded.

BARRAGE SCHEME

This Conference urges that the Government should not acquire mosques, cremation grounds, and Gowshala and Goua rest house at Sukkur for the purpose connected with barrage.

ROBIN HOODS OF INDIA

The resolution about Hur settlement was proposed by Mr. Jonejo, Bar-at-law of Larkana. He said that thousands of his co-religionists, men, women and children who had committed no actual offence had been confined in what were called settlements or enclosures. There they were treated as if they were animals. It was monstrous to deprive them of their liberty and other human rights simply because they were Hurs. Mr. SantdasMangharam, pleader of Hyderabad, Sind, in seconding the resolution said that the Hurs were confined under the Criminal Tribes Act. Lately in the time of Mr. Lucas, Commissioner in Sind. Lots of Hur families had been deported to Ahmednagar where they were under similar restraint. It was quite wrong to punish people against whom there was no regular charge. Those guilty of any offences may very well be treated with severity but not the others. Children must not be condemned because they were born of their parents. Mr. Murlidhar, pleader of Shikarpur, moved an amendment proposing the following committee to enquire into the question and report; Hon. Mr. Bhurgari, Hon. Mr. Harchandrai, Messrs. HirdaramMewaram, JethmalParsram, JairamdasDoultram, SantdasManghara, pleader Jonejo and MukhiJethanand of Hyderabad Sind. He said that the Hurs were confined for the security of life and property of the people and not of the officials. The Government acted from good motives and opened schools for them, and they were permitted to go out to their cultivation. So far as he knew they were a dangerous Criminal Tribe who committed murder and theft as their profession. But the speaker only suggested a committee of enquiry which he taught would establish the un safety or letting these people at large. Seth LokamalChellaram of Karachi seconded him and spoke of those terrors of Thar, BachooBadhshah and PirooVazir. Mr. JethmalParsram said that he knew something of Hurs and had even lived among them but they were not such a bad lot. There was a question of principle involved in this question. The Conference was passing resolution against the deportation of Mr. Horniman and the expulsion from Karachi of three Kathiawari gentlemen. The Government said they were dangerous but there was nothing definite alleged against them. In the same way the Hurs must not be condemned because of general charge. He traced the pedigree to Main Hur who had been hired by Yazid to murder the Imams Hassan and Hussein but who fought for the latter as soon as he saw them. Some spoke of the Zulum (tyranny) practiced by the Police kept in charge of the Hur settlement. He was however not against the appointment of Mr. Murlidhar’s committee, Mr. LalchandJagtiani, teacher, New High School, Karachi said that he had lived as a boy among Hurs and had mixed with them. Some were no doubt thieves and murderers but they had their good qualities. In Europe such men would be educated and turned into good citizens. He referred to Robin Hood in this connection. Eventually the amendment was carried. The next resolution about the impeachment of the Viceroy and Sir Michael O ’Dwyer and General Dyer was moved from the chair and passed unanimously.

NEW COLLEGE

After half an hour’s recess the Conference met again at night fall and the invitation given by Mirpurkhas delegates to hold the next conference there was accepted. The 20th resolution was about location of the proposed Government Arts and Agriculture College on which there was a somewhat warm discussion. Mr. Murlidhar moved that the Colleges be located in Upper Sind where there was greater need for them as Hyderabad Sind was near Karachi and had a National College already and was moreover more advanced. Hon. Mr. Harchandrai in seconding said that Hyderabad students could afford to go to Baroda, Bombay and Poona even though they had a College at Hyderabad, Sind. He was of opinion that the need of Upper Sind was greater. Not only Upper Sind delegates who were undoubtedly in a great majority, wanted the College in their midst but Karachi delegates and even a few Hyderabadi delegates supported them. Mr. Lalchand A. Advani moved an amendment that a committee of the following gentlemen be appointed to report within a month where the College should be; Mr. Murlidhar, pleader, Mr. MulchandPessumal, Mr. ViroomalBegraj, Mr. BhojsingGurdinomal, Mr. KishindasJhamraj, Raj Bahadur, Mr. BulchandDayaram, Mr. KhemchandAmbritrai and Hon Mr. Bhurgari. He said that he had purposely put five Upper Sindhis out of nine members.

He would not mind if the decision was in favour of Upper Sind. Mr. GopaldasJhamatmal seconded the amendment and said that it was not proper that a question like this which was between one district and another should be taken up at a provincial conference held in one of the districts concerned which necessarily had a large preponderance of local delegates. He would have opposed the bringing up of such a question at the Hyderabad Session. Mr. Santdas moved another amendment that the question be simply dropped. He was not for a Government College at all. But here there was question between two rival claimants; Mr. Jamshed N.R. Mehta regretted the “tug of war” between Hyderabad and Upper Sind. only one College was being given and Lower Sind would do well to give in. Mr. ViroomalBegraj said he was pained Mr. Mehta’s use of the words “tug of war”. He was sure there was no such conflict. He personally would not send his boys to a Government College, but as Upper Sind needed a College badly, he would appeal to Hyderabadis with all earnestness to give up their claim. MukhiJethanand said that he was speaking as a Sindhi. He would personally not mind asking Hyderabadis in favour of Upper Sind but here all thought that this Conference should not take up this question. Votes then taken and the proportion was carried by an overwhelming majority. Hereupon Mr. Gopaldas J.A. left the Conference in disgust.

REFORM’S RESOLUTION

The last resolution was about the Reforms. It was moved by Mr. DurgdasAdvani and it said that the Reforms were inadequate, unsatisfactory and disappointing and was on the Congress lines. It proved the cause of great disagreement in the Conference which broke up in the greatest disorder. The President said that four amendments had been handed to him and the discussion would be very long. It was a late hour already. He and many others had to leave by 10-30 p.m. train and they could also not stay for the next day having already reserved their berths. He suggested therefore this question should be dropped. At once there was a storm of indignation for which there were several causes. The most ardent followers of Mr. Tilak alleged that this was a device of the followers of Mrs. Besant. Why was this resolution not brought up earlier? Why could not the delegates stay a day longer? The Muhammadans who were dissatisfied with the resolution of the Conference about the Khilafat question and the welcome of the Prince of Wales sided with the Tilak party. The President was openly insulted and accused of partiality. There was great noise and commotion. Hurriedly the chairman of the reception committee, the very popular Mr. ViroomalBegraj moved a brief vote of thanks to the chair and Mr. LokamalChellaram seconded him. Then there was noise and disorder again and bitter recrimination and the president and other office bearers left. Mr. Tilka’s followers then went about among the audience and said that Tilak had desired that the Conference should pass a resolution on the Congress lines and they wanted the delegates to stay on and pass the resolution by electing another president for the time. This went on for some time when the captain of volunteers requested all to leave the pandal as the furniture had to be checked and returned the next morning and the Police Superintendent had given the ground on condition that the pandal would not be given to anyone else without his permission. The gentlemen who already defied the chair wanted at first to defy the volunteers but Mr. Durgdas said that the meeting should be held outside or in the Muslim League pandal. Then the people began to go out. The protest meeting was then held in the open, Mr. Durgdas being elected Chairman and less than one hundred people being present. The resolution about the Reforms was adopted. Mr. Zafar Ali Khan of Delhi who had come down from the Punjab that morning in connection with the Khilafat movement was present at the meeting with several Muhammadans and supported the resolution strongly. Swami Govindanand took the most active part in the protest.

PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS

OF

SETH HAJI ABDOOLA HAROON

AT THE

SIND PROVINCIAL CONFERENCE

1920-

7TH SESSION, SUKKUR.

Brother delegates, Ladies and Gentlemen!

I AM NOT using the language of mere formality when I thank you for the singular honour you have done me, by summoning me to preside at this the 7th Sind Provincial Conference. To be frank, I have done nothing to deserve such a mark of favour, and knowing, as I do my incapacity for such an office, I wish your choice had fallen on a worthier head than myself but since your mandate has come to me, I am here, in obedience to it; and I have every hope that I can count upon your support, in conducting the discussions on the various subjects that are to come before us, for our consideration.

OUR GOAL

When we look to the past grandeur of our Motherland and the height of civilization it attained, at a time when all the world around was sunk into ignorance and barbarism, the conviction becomes irresistible that the future can have nothing but sunshine, in store for us, only if we have the will to dedicate ourselves to the service of the country. The future bright as it promises to be, rests with us alone. It depends not so much on the Acts of Parliament as it does upon our own patriotism and sacrifice, for our efforts in the future as in the past are to mould the Acts of Parliament. No nation has become great without an exertion from within. It is therefore a sign of happy time that our country men are every day increasing in numbers stepping forward to strive for the great ideal for which the Indian National Congress has laboured so long. With the mention of the name of that august assembly, our thoughts go back, in grateful remembrance to the sacred memory of the immortal souls of DadabhoyNaoroji, Allan Octavian Hume, George Yule, Ananda Mohan Bose, Sir Henry Cotton, Gopal KrisnaGokhale, Tybjee and Pherozshah Mehta who, in their farsightedness, more than a generation ago, prepared the national plank for us to stand upon and hold aloft the national banner of the United India. The plank is on firmer foundation than even before, being broad based on an immensely larger popular support. The organization of the Congress has its roots and branches scattered all over the country. The message of Home Rule has been carried to the masses and there is today a measure of political awakening which is so much a wonder even to those who started the work as it is a great hope for the early attainment of our goal. That goal is “Government of the people for the people,” and bas been variously styled Home Rule, Self Government, Responsible Government, all of which mean but the same thing. To achieve that end of our ambition, we, the children of the soil, should close our ranks even it be at some sacrifice and make a united stand. As a member of a democratic faith my advice to you can only be to press on vigorously, until the goal is reached. Mother-India, with a glorious past that knows no parallel will have a still mare glorious future that will place it at the forefront of the nations of the world. I have visions of the India of the future-the greatest democracy of the world-moulding by its high example the life and thought of its sister nations, whether of the West or the East. How distant or rather how near that future is to be is a matter which lies in the hands of this and the next generation of India’s young men and I hope and trust and pray that young Moslems and young Hindus, standing shoulder to shoulder will nobly fulfill their high mission.

REMORMS

There is a rude awakening as we turn from the enchanting visions of the future to the facts of the present, for we realize how little headway we have made towards that future. The first step vouchsafed to us in that direction is the Reform Act which was placed on the Statute Book in December last. The skeleton of that act was outlined nearly two years ago in the Montague-Chelmsford report, and although the Act has given us a stronger and a more powerful frame and here and there a vigorous muscle or two has been added the outline remains materially unaltered. Flesh and blood have yet to be supplied by the formation of numerous Rules and Regulations. The outline has under gone elaborate analysis, discussion and criticism during these two years, and I do not think any good purpose would be served by my entering, at this stage, into a discussion of the scheme at it originally was or as it was partially improved by the joint Parliamentary Committee. Nor will the full effect of the Act be correctly known, until the Rules supply the flesh and blood to the skeleton. But it is sufficiently clear that the Act does not at all satisfy the needs of the country or the wishes of the people, as a whole. The Amritsar Congress formed the platform for the presentation of three independent shades of opinion. There were those, who led by Mrs. Besant, gratefully welcomed the Reforms Act as a substantial step. There were others who led by LokmmanyaTilak and Mr. Das held that the Act was inadequate, unsatisfactory and disappointing, there were again those who led by Mahatama Gandhi were of the opinion that although the Act was inadequate and unsatisfactory, it yet constituted a step forward and should be worked in a spirit of co-operation. Among the delegates of the Amritsar Congress the first view found hardly any support, while the respective support of the latter two views was never put to the test, for a compromise was effected between them, at a later stage and the Congress adopted the compromise, I am myself of the same view, as the Congress eventually took. But I feel that no good purpose is served by discussing as to which of the three parties held the correct view. The Reform is there on the Statute Book, good, bad or fair; and it is not in our power to make amendments in it. We have no alternative beyond working it or boycotting it. No responsible public men of any shade of political opinion, however extreme, have suggested our boycotting the Reforms. Everybody who is anybody is agreed that' we have to work the Reforms and do our best to produce the greatest results from the Act, while, in no way, giving up work for achieving our goal. How for the Moslems will be enabled to take their share in the new Councils it is impossible for me to say, in view of the Khilafat question. But otherwise all rounds, in every province, the attention of political workers is being more and more drawn to the approaching formation of reformed councils, and the work of educating and guiding the new electorates is a subject of consideration among them. Let us therefore not be still fighting a dead issue, as to which adjective is most suitable to be applied to the Act. It is not wisdom at this stage, to be quarrelling over the transient point of dispute in what words to describe the Act. It is there as a hard fact and no amount of praise or condemnation can alter its character or increase the power it confers on the people. Let us rather-or those among us who want to participate in elections either as candidates, or voters or as workers to lay down specific programs and policies to be worked out by the people’s representatives in the new councils and commence the work of educating the electorate in light of these. Let us not unwisely waste our energies in fighting between ourselves as to what the Act is or not. Let us rather utilize our energies in fighting with Government to see what the rules are going to be. We have been neglecting this important work and will have reason to repent our negligence. As I have said above Mussalmans may not be able to take part in the Council elections, and all that I have said above has no reference to the Moslem community. Let me say by the way that the Khilafat question has assumed national significance; we shall just have to define our policy as nationalists, should the Muslims decide to withdraw from the Reformed Councils. A delicate and difficult task indeed! on the right solution of which I believe the honour of our motherland and nation depends considerably.

THE PUNJAB TREGEDY

Another All-India question of outstanding importance is the great Punjab Tragedy, of last year. I do not want to go with the familiar history of that period. It is written in letters of blood on the heart of the nation. Nor would it be appropriate to anticipate the conclusions of the official Committee of Inquiry whose report will soon be before the public. But that does not prevent us from coming to this irrefutable conclusion based on the evidence of official witnesses themselves, that the disturbances at Amritsar were the direct results of a deliberate and ca1culated policy of repression by the deportation of popular leaders and that the horrible butchery of the 13th April last the JallianwallaBagh will remain the darkest page in the history of the British Rule in India. The terrible inhumanity of the Martial Law period, when it is fully exposed, will be an indelible blot on the British nation, and if properly known to the other nations of the world will ruin the reputation of Great Britain, as a lover of liberty and freedom. India can never forget the spring of last year, and I have not the least doubt that the National Week-6th to 13th April will be universally observed in India, by all sections of the people; and I hope that the sum of 10 Lacs will be over subscribed. We should also appreciate Mahatma Gandhi's advice that it is the sacrifice of the people who died, which is being memorialized and not the butchery of those who killed. No other advice could have proceeded from one who is an Apostle of Love and an Abhorer and Hate and I feel sure the speakers at the functions during the National week will remember the distinction thus made.

THE KHILAFAT QUESTION

There can be no doubt of the fact that the situation in India in regard to the Khilafat Question is so serious that it overshadows everything else and I fervently pray all may yet be well. The sincerity of British and Allied statesmen is being put to the test and solemn pledges made by them at a time of crisis await to be fulfilled. I am not hopeful of Britain carrying out its entire promise. The thirst for annexation and exploitation is still a living force in European politics and the policy of grab seems to override all considerations. The reply of the Premier of Great Britain to our Khilafat Deputation is most ominous. It clearly foreshadows peace settlement that falls short of the irreducible Moslem demands. Nothing but Constantinople is evidently to remain with the Sultan-Khalif, and that too under the kindly gaze of the Allied Artillery, if the actual military occupation of the seat of Khilafat is not prolonged indefinitely. Mr. Lyod George had pledged, in January 1918, with all true solemnity befitting the occasion of a public declaration of the A1lied war Aims that. “We are not fighting to deprive Turkey of Constantinople or of the rich and renowned lands of Asia Minor and Thrace which predominantly Turkish in race,” and yet in reply to Mr. Muhammad Ali’s statement, he is reported to have said that in Thrace the Mussalman population was in a considerable minority and in Symrna the majority of the population was non-Turkish. Are facts to be twisted to suit policy? Are broken pledges to be followed by perversions of facts? Is British statesmanship all bankrupt? The sky is dark and the Muslim World is in greater unrest than .it has been for centuries. The sky is very dark but whatever be the eventualities of the situation, I hope Muslims will ever remember the assistance given by the Hindus in making the Khilafat movement a strong All-India Movement. To all the well-wishers of the country the co-operation of Hindus with Muslims in the Khilafat question will give nothing but the sincerest pleasure. It is the sympathy at the time of one’s grief that is valued most, and I know that the hand of fellowship and company extended by them in the hour of sorrow has quickened the hearts of Muslims to its innermost. As the question has assumed a national importance, I trust every step would be by joint decision.

THE COMMISSONER’S POWERS

Having touched these All-India matters of the vital importance to the nation, I would wish to come at once to a consideration of the leading questions of Provincial interest and there can be not two opinion that the one question, which must engage our attention, before all others, is that of the position and powers of the Commissioner-in-Sind, under the Reform Act. In para 214 of the Montague-Chelmsford report, the distinguished authors, after stating some reasons why one man’s themselves thus: - “To our minds, however there is an overriding reason of greater importance than any of these. The retention of the administration of a province in the hands of a single man preclude the possibility of giving it a responsible character.” In view of this very clear emphatic statement, our complaint is that in matters, whether in transferred or reserved departments of governmental activity in which the Powers of a Governor in Council or Governor, Ministers have already been delegated to the Commissioner-in-Sind, the Minister and the improved Executive and the improved Executive Council cannot effectively determine the course .of administrative action in Sind, so long as the Commissioner enjoyed those delegated powers; and to the extent to which final disposal of matters, which in other divisions the Ministers alone can dispose of, remain with the Commissioner-in-Sind, responsible government will be non-existent many powers of direction and control over local self-governing bodies are conferred on the present Governor-in-Council. Under the Delegation Act (Commissioner-in Sind’s Act. V of 1868) a large number of these powers have been delegated to the Commissioner-in-Sind. With the introduction of the Reform Act the Powers .of the Governor-in-Council, in this behalf, will ipso facto devolve on the responsible Minister in charge of the Local Self Government, and the electorate obtains, through their, representatives, the power of controlling the administration of that department. But if the Commissioner-in-Sind continues the enjoyment of his present delegated powers in respect of local self-governing bodies, the Minister in charge of the portfolio cannot respond to the pressure of the electorate of the Council, so far as Sind is concerned, since he has not final voice in the department so long as the delegation holds good. This only means that Sind does not get any material benefit from the Reforms Act, so far at least as the Transferred Subjects are concerned. In regard to Reserved Subjects also, it will be denied much of the advantages of an improved Executive Council with larger Indian representation in it. If Sind is to receive the full benefit of the new Reforms there is no alternative left to the Government but to take up at once the question of placing the Commissioner-in-Sind, in the same position, as the Commissioners of other divisions of the Presidency. Public opinion of all shades is dead against the present exceptional position of the Commissioner-in-Sind and ever since the question of India Reforms was taken up by the political leaders of the country, this local reforms has been the subject of consideration in the public, press and at the political conferences of the Province. The people Hindus and Muslims are not convinced that the local autocracy must end and I feel sure that they will neither get nor give peace until this is done. The antiquated reasons on which the exceptional treatment of Sind was based, have no longer any application unless it be that Sind has seen no progress during the 77 years of British rule, and earlier the Government of Bombay revises the present system of administration the better it will be for both the people and the Government.

REPRESSION IN SIND 

I do not base the above on any particular incidents of Sind Administration and my reference to two of them should not be taken as arguments or illustration in support of our claim. But they are of such great importance from other points and bear so vitally on the relations between the people and the Government that I feel I must make a pointed reference to them.

Brother Delegates, you all know of the aberration of mind which the unfortunate of Sind official underwent, during April last. They appeared to have been obsessed with the happenings in Punjab and losing their balance completely they launched on a policy of repression in a province than which none other wore a more peaceful appearance. They started with indiscriminate house-searches at Karachi, of men above all suspicion of conspiring against Government in any fashion and thought it wisdom to prosecute Mr. Durgadas, B. Advani and Mr. H. D. Mariwalla for a small leaflet alleged to have been seditious, which should not have, in any case, upset the peace of mind of any sober mind. But it unfortunately did and undue and severe sentences were passed against both of them. In Hyderabad incidents were even worse. Six respectable political workers of the town, including a man of the position of the Honorable Mr. G. M. Bhurgri were made the victims of a conspiracy by the officials. A false “first report” was trumped up against them, whose truth the Government themselves had to deny, in the Bombay Council. Five of them were arrested and let on heavy sureties and personal recognizance, but the concocted plot was exposed and the Local officials had to beat a retreat with such farce as they could command. In the meantime another trial far sedition was launched at Hyderabad and this time the popular Editor of “the Hindvasi” Mr. JethmalParsaram became their victim. Mr. Jethmal fared no better than his Karachi friends, but thanks to His Majesty’s proclamation, and our friends were released, after a month’s excellent mental and physical training, and are again back in our midst for the country, each according to his lights.

SIND OFFICIALS AND KHILAFAT

 Another illustration of Rowdyism in Sind was the mean attempt of some officials. I am ashamed to say Mussalman officials at least they profess to be so-to use their official position and influence to set on foot and maintain an anti-Khilafat agitation in Sind. Under the belief that illiterate mass of Sind Muslims, already living In great dread of officialdom, offered the best material for a propaganda which country to the beliefs and feelings of practically the entire Moslem community of India, two Mussalman officials, occupying a position of great trust and influence stooped to any and every means to make Mussalmans declare false views and propagate false beliefs. This artificial agitation against the Khilafat was carried on with a high handedness, boldness and impunity which greatly compromised the position of the Commissioner-in-Sind and the Bombay Government, and when open allegations of the methods employed to coerce Moslem opinion were made in the press, the Sind administration chose to remain quiet far a long time and the two officials went on managing the stage show for months, the public came naturally to believe that the Government wanted this agitation and the officials were mere agents. I am glad to say that the Government was ultimately made to realize the grave inadvisability and inexpediency of this belief gathering more strength or acquiring any plausible basis, by its continued silence and H. E. the Governor of Bombay had to warn the officials not to take any part in the movement. While we are thankful that the Government saw the wisdom of a public disavowal and condemnation of the officials, we must reiterate here our demand for a full and independent inquiry into the allegations of coercion employed by those officials and their underlings. Does Government expect that all who have been victims of this coercion and those who have suffered for their courageous stand for what they regard as truth must pocket the insults, the threats and worse because Government has a tender regard for the prestige of an official who has abused his powers. Is this a wise or statesmanlike attitude to take up in such a matter? The LarkanaKhilafat Conference put their case for an enquiry before the Government of Bombay, in the form of a memorial and appointed a deputation to wait upon His Excellency the Governor. Not only was the deputation denied a personal interview, but the enquiry itself was refused. One cannot appreciate the logic of the Government position. If the allegations of the public so openly and persistently made are false, government will have proved, beyond dispute, the correctness of their present position viz that they do not think there is ground for any complaint of coercion and Government will have a strong and effective argument for future use, if public made unreasonable demands for inquiry on any other matters. If however the allegations are proved to be correct, government will only have given an opportunity to punish the guilty for an offence actually proved, and to punish the guilty official or non official is one of the functions of the government, and we shall have deserved the thanks of government for helping it to discharge its functions aright. I hope that Sir George Lloyd yet see the reasonableness of our request and concede it at an early date.

THE 19TH MARCH

His Excellency Sir George Lloyd, in speaking of the warning he had administered to the government subordinates on account of their taking part in the anti Khilafat movement spoke of it as a “religious controversy,” and now the government circularizes the Khilafat movement to be a political one, and we have probably therefore the spectacle of a number of District Magistrates in Sind, making as much use of the Bombay District Police Act as they possibly could, in gagging the Muslims. The Khilafat movement, as it has repeatedly been urged is essentially a religious movement, and therefore any interference with it is calculated to cause, as experience shows, the greatest possible resentment. Indians are a peaceful people. They want to live and let others live; and therefore in the case of such a people unnecessary provocation is at once justifiable. In Karachi section 42 of the Police Act was promulgated in the Municipal and cantonment areas, while in Hyderabad, Sukkur and some other places notices under it were served on individuals. Not satisfied with the extremely elastic and all embracing wording of the section, the District Magistrate of Hyderabad went out of his way and beyond the scope of the section in notifying that the “declaration of any class of persons” as “Kaffirs” or “outcastes” or similar expressions are within the scope of the order. . . .”. It is well known that in the Holy Quran the word “Kaffir” occurs pretty often, and suppose a man read a portion having that word, will section 42 of the Police Act, as understood by the magistrate make him liable to a prosecution? If it does it is a clear interference with the religious liberty of the people. “Outcastes” again do not form a class by themselves. They are at the most as has always been the case, a few individuals. Therefore giving them the position and dignity of a “a class” of people is an absurd attempt to prevent people from adjusting their social relations with these individuals, who have, by their behavior dropped out of the community. It is therefore clearly outside the province of a magistrate to take upon himself the supervision of the social matters of the community. Here in Sukkur, we have read in the papers in what manner our much respected Chairman of the Reception Committee Mr. VirumalBegraj has been served with “summons” by a Police subordinate. Such unnecessary and often times vexatious exhibitions of the official powers do not serve any useful purpose, but they go a long way in creating estrangement between the officials and the people, and the sooner Sind officialdom shakes off its old traditions of displaying its strength, on unnecessary occasions, the better it would be for all concerned.

HINDU MUSLIM UNITY

Brother delegates! Inspite of the whole atmosphere being surcharged with deep anxiety and the sky being overcast with dark clouds, there is a welcome silver lining. The on rush of a feeling of oneness among the Hindus and Moslems of India, at this time of grave crises, has deepened the foundations of the Hindu Moslem Unity, and this partnership, in distress, will, I hope, one day blossom in partnership in happiness, when our goal is achieved. The unity between the two communities is not a new thing. It is as old as the coming of Islam into India. The religion and the everyday conduct of Moslems can permit of no barrier to separate them from their neighbors. The Hindus and moreover if it be remembered that most of the Indian Mussalmans are of the same origin as the Hindus, there can be nothing that can really be an obstacle in the Hindu-Muslim entente. In the past, as History amply proves, Hindus and Muslims have been the best of best neighbors, sincere friends, and faithful comrades and a little, on both the sides, would strengthen the solidarity between the two communities and mould them into one, great nation. It cannot be denied that petty jealousies, over petty objects, and backward state of modern education, among Muslims, had contributed a good deal, to great in recent times, a feeling of distrust among the educated sections of the two communities. Happily the masses, to very great extent remained unaffected by the feelings of the educated strata and with a little effort at sincerity towards one another Hindu-Muslim unity has come to have a remarkable revival. I am certain that the spread of education, among Muslims, will prepare them to take their share of the national obligations more readily than they have done in the past. I already see that one of the greatest results of the present Hindu-Muslim entente is the spirit of nationalism that is taking a firm root in the Muslim mind and as time goes on Muslims will be found to be working for the good of the country not less enthusiastically and strenuously than the Hindus. Muslims cannot afford to neglect the interest of the Indian Nation, just as Hindus should not remain indifferent to the comparative backwardness of the Muslims. Each needs the other, and each must exert to co-operate with the other. I trust that steps would be taken to bring home to the masses the message of Hindu-Muslim unity, and I have every hope that the unpleasant criticism we sometimes hear, in the Civil Courts, about the high rate of interest charged in the mofussil, will have ere long, ceased to exist.

I find from the public press that the Hindus of Sind have not been given their due share of the seats, available for the Hindus of the whole Presidency, on the new provincial Legislative Council. Between these two sections of the same community, the distribution of the representation on the reformed councils has not been fair and just. The voting strength of Sind Hindus entitles them to four seats, whereas they have been given only two. The fact that Government and the National Congress and Muslim League have recognized the claim of a minority to receive favorable treatment further strengthens the claim of the Sind Hindus, and I think that the Mussalmans of Sind as Sindhis, ought to extend their whole-hearted support to Sind Hindus, in obtaining from the Bombay Hindus, two additional seats to make up their fair share of representation. I understand that the Hindus have placed their case before the Reform Commissioner appointed for Bombay province, but the claim has not yet been conceded to. I hope that the claim will be placed and strongly pressed before higher authorities and that it will receive the cordial support of the Mussalmans of Sind.

JOINT RECONCILATION BOARDS

Since a long time the suggestion of forming joint Reconciliation Boards, to adjust civil and communal disputes, without the intervention of Courts, has been, before the public; and it is a great pity that we, in Sind, have all along slept over it. Private arbitration would not only save time and money, but would considerably diminish the number of such cases and would give a healthy tone for the life of the people. It seems to me that the Joint Boards should be created not only to settle disputes between Hindus and Muslims, but also between Hindus and Hindus and between Muslims and Muslims themselves. The time is now ripe for giving a practical shape to the proposal and so far as I can see the public is really to respond Social relations between the two communities, particularly in large towns also stand in need of reconsideration and I would urge the leaders to devise means for their reconstruction in view of the growing harmony and the present day demands of the Society and Nation.

SWADESHI

Necessity has successfully goaded our people, in Sind, to prefer the Khathas to the costly blankets and as a substitute for the foreign flannel and woolen cloth prepared in the Deset has been made use of in a large quantity. The demand for woolen materials prepared in the Deset far exceeds the supply, but I hear, on reliable authority, that a little financial assistance to the weavers would bring to Sind larger stock, than has hitherto come. It is not only the woolen materials that we can get locally so cheaply, but decent cotton cloth for shirting and other purposes would easily become procurable and is obtainable even now, though its quantity may not be sufficient. The necessity for cheaper and more durable cloth is very great and urgent. Once the Swadeshi material, howsoever coarse it may be, is on the market, there remains not the least necessity for canvassing for it. All that is needed is capital, and I venture to hope that our leading men in the Province, Peers and Zamindars and Capitalists will take steps to advance some money to weavers, who are now abandoning their ancestral profession to enable them to restart their work. It would be advantageous to have a system of exhibitions of the country made cloth at the fairs, so numerous in Sind. Every village or a group of villages should have enough of hand looms to meet the demands and already Swedshism in cloth is so much in prominence in Sind that it only requires putting our shoulder to the wheel. We mercantile class in the commercial centres is quite absorbed in foreign trade and speculation thereby acting as agents of the exploiters. We have been certainly great sinners to our motherland and children of the soil past, present and the future. Time has come when we should make amends and devote suffice attention to country made articles and provide them in the market: I see a wave of enthusiasm all round in this respect and people are eager to patronize even with some sacrifice. I fervently beg and appeal to my fellow businessmen to open eyes and the bright possibilities before them and invest their capital for the great good of Bharat Land.

RASAI COMMITTEE

Nearly two years have passed away, and we do not know anything about the results of the labors of the Rasai Committee. We have seen it in the past and we see it till today that whenever a Committee is appointed by Government to investigate any Sind grievance, the publication of the report of it takes a number of years. The evils of RasaiLapo and Cheer are there, and it is the duty of the Government to take immediate steps to issue their orders without further delay.

I least expect improvement in these evil systems, whatsoever be the recommendations of the Committee or the orders of the Government. In my opinion landholders, who are victims of these extortions are they to blame and they prepare themselves to be men. I call upon the Zamindars, most of whom profess the same faith as I, to join hands in the working of national regeneration. In the Quran we find a passage conveying deep meaning in which God has said that, no change will come into the lot of any Nation unless it takes pains to do so. You possess heads and hearts to realize and understand famine, poverty, pestilence, all sorts of evils, disease, and high mortality are order of the day in our Beautiful Country. O’do knows that you have lost much of your vitality, by subjection, rivalry amongst yourselves and lethargy and your case is evidently hopeless. In India if any class has suffered most it is yours and those under you.

SPECIAL

SIND PROVINCIAL CONFERENCE

HYDERABAD (1920)

August 28

At the Special Sind Provincial Conference the President Mr. Durgdas B. Advani said, he took it as a mark of special favour that he had been chosen to preside over a Conference which was to discuss grave problems and was being held at an intellectual centre like Hyderabad where political activity was great and the different lines of political thought well defined. After deploring the death of Mr. Tilak at this critical hour he discussed the Reform Act, which had been unfortunately eclipsed by the Punjab tragedy and the Khilafat question. Speaking at some length he then treated of various questions of the hour, using, however, arguments favored by his party and already familiar to the average ready.

August 29

The Subjects Committee sat till midnight yesterday and again from 8 to 10-30 this morning (August 29, 1920)  after which the proceedings of the Conference were taken up. The first resolution expressed grief at Mr. Tilak’s death, who was described as the greatest nation builder and political leader of Modern times. This was passed in silence by the audience standing. A moving song about the event was the sung. Mr. T.L. Vaswani then moved that Non-Co-operation according to Mr. Ghandhi’s plan should be given effect to, to bring about a revision of the Turkish and the demands of the Congress Sub- Committee report on  the Punjab atrocities, the mover deferring his speech. He was seconded by Haji Abdullah Haroon of Karachi. An a amendment was moved by Mr. Santdass and seconded by Mr. Gopaldas declaring non-co-operation as futile and inexpedient. Prof. Ghanshyam moved another amendment which was in favour of non-co-operation but slightly differing from Mr. Ghandi’s scheme. Dr. choithram moved a third amendment which differed from Mr. Vaswani’s and Mr. Ghanshym’s in deprecating Police and Army resignations. Swami Govindanand moved a fourth amendment in which an addition was made to Mr. Vaswani’s proposition to the effect that non-co-operation was to go on till India got complete independence. He was seconded by Mr. Lalchand A. Jagtiani of Karachi, after whose speech the conference rose for 3 hours recess when discussion on non-co-operation will be continued.

August 31

      At the Conference the Non-Co-operation resolution was discussed till 9 p.m. and the speeches were stirring. Mr. T.L. Vaswani the mover of the original resolution replied to some of the arguments on the other motions and was allowed to speak for forty-five minutes while the proposers and seconders of other motions and amendments had only fifteen and ten minutes respectively but he was still dissatisfied and left the hall after informing the audience that he had been ordered by the President to stop and he  must obey though he had not finished. He was brought back by the Chairman of the Reception Committee.

LITTLE INCIDENTS

      An unpleasant incident occurred here, one Shikarpuri delegates crying out angrily “Sir, here is the gentleman who insults Mr. Vaswani and says to us If you want to hear this Mahatma still further you can satisfy your hearts by paying his fare and taking him to Shikarpur to lecture”. The noise was stopped by the President who said “If any insult had been offered I apologize on behalf of the offender”.

      About the same times Mr. Jeswani of the New Times complained bitterly and loudly, going up to the President’s table, “that the self styled Swami Govindanand was canvassing in the galleries for votes”. This storm was also quieted with gentle diplomacy by the President.

      When votes were taken between the several amendments and the original proposition there was an overwhelming majority for the latter i.e., Non-Co-operation on Mr. Ghandi’s lines. The amendments against non-co-operation received 33 votes but the other amendments of non-co-operation different from Mr. Ghandi’s did not get even 15 votes.

FOUR RESOLUTIONS

      After this, four resolutions were moved from the Chair.

1. That the Reform were inadequate, unsatisfactory and had failed to satisfy the aspirations of Indians and the Conference is therefore emphatically of the opinion that the Congress should at the once make a demand for complete Home Rule according to the principle of Self-Determination.
2. That the Conference strongly condemns the Central Provinces Government for sanctioning the proposed slaughter house which is to be established there for export of meat and hides and where thousands of animals will be killed a thing which is most injurious to India and will bring about a dreadful state India. The Conference calls upon all Indians to boycott the factory and if any Indians should join they should be ex-communicated by their brethren.
3. That the Conference vehemently condemns the Hunter Committee’s report, the Government of Indian’s attitude in the matter, the result of the discussion in the House of Commons and still more the result in the House of Lords and generally the attitude of the British Government in respect to the whole question and the Conference declares that on account of this, Indians have lost faith in British Justice.
4. That this Conference consider that on account of the decision in the Khilafat and the Punjab questions having excited grave dissatisfaction in India, no Indian should take part in the reception of the Duke of Connaught or any one else who might be sent to open the Councils.

SECONDING THE RESOLUTIONS

      The following is the summary of most of the speeches; In seconding Mr. Vaswani’s resolution Seth Abdula Haroon said: That the terms of Turkish treaty were against the opinion of the Ulmas who had declared that it was a religious question and that Jazir-al-Arab should be under the Khalif. They had disregarded the sentiments of Indian Muslims and Indians generally, and since we had tried all other means we must now adopt non-co-operation as advocated by Mr. Ghandi. India was too religious and too weak to do anything violent. Non co-operation did not mean disobedience of Government or its laws. If we should fail now we fall back fifty years.

AGAINST NON-CO-OPERATION

      Mr. Santdas moving an a amendment against non-co-operation said: For the first time in Indian’s modern history direct action was being proposed and carried out as a political weapon. It was a critical time. He was pained and surprised that a man like Mr. Vaswani should use the stratagem of reserving his speech for the end giving others no opportunity to meet his arguments but taking the advantage of hearting and replying to all Mr. Ghandi did not want that we should agree with him without reflecting and in the Gujrat Conference where he was president, only the first stage of his programme had been adopted. The speaker’s objections against Non-Co-operation were both ideal and practical. He admitted that the Muhammadans had been deeply injured in the matter of the Khilafat and the Punjab tragedy and the attitude of the authorities had outraged all principles of justice and humanity, but was Non-Co-operation a right or good remedy. The Muhammadans were too impatient. They said that if Non-Co-operation did not succeed soon they would adopt another remedy. They should take care not to vote from mere impulse or enthusiasm but must realize that it meant serious action.

TOADIES AND TYRANTS

      All knew what kind of people title-holders and Government servants were: toadies and tyrants and yet they were going to be asked to make sacrifices before all others! How would crores of rupees come for feeding the latter? At the time of Satyagrah only twelve persons had resigned and the poor fellows were still going about complaining. The Punjab had been so shamefully treated but how many Punjabis there had resigned? Pleaders also will not suspend practice. So far only one Muhammadan pleaders had stopped practice.

      Withdrawing boys from Government and aided schools? He was on principle against the kind of education and the restriction there, the boys being unable for instance to attend such political meetings as this. He had put his boys in the National College, but how was the college supported by the public with funds and otherwise? The response was very poor indeed and it was the only college of the kind in India. People will not withdraw boys from the schools but if they did where are there other schools for them?

      Boycotting the Councils? Some very big leaders were against it and were not going to do it. If Councils were boycotted by the leaders fifty rate men would surely go in. We should rather go and try for more reforms.

HARD ON POLICEMEN

            How could they expect policemen to make a sacrifice knowing their characters? They should devise something according to which Santdass and Gopaldass and Harchandrai may sacrifice. Why impose the burden upon the poor? As regards the refusal of income tax, did they not know it would lead to attachment of property etc.? Refusal to pay land reverence would lead confiscation and sale of land. Some Muhammadans have said that they were ready to refuse payment provided Hindus would not buy their lands, when Government confiscated them. Would the banias consent? If the army was done away with there would be great insecurity and crime in the country, and who would defend us against foreign invasion? If pleaders stopped practice how many more innocent people would go into jails? Some said that they were going to try this remedy but like a reasonable men they should make sure that it was not an injurious remedy. We should jump into a well and make others do the same

Hyderabad, August 31

      Mr. Gopaldas in supporting Mr. Santdass saids that the British Ministers had no doubt violated the pledges given to Indian Muslims and the Punjab atrocities had no doubt remained unpunished and the House of Lords resolution about General Dyer was a downright insult to the Indian nation, but he was opposed to the Non-Co-operation resolution because he knew it would be futile and harmful to the good of the country. Mr. Ghandi from whom this proposal had originally come was a man of the highest order, there was none like him in the world but what he proposed was an impossible task for the people though not for him. He referred to some of the steps in the programmed and showed what little would come of it all. He concluded by giving the story of the nice and the cat and asked who was going to bell the Government cat. It was all very well to pass resolution but who was going to act? Referring to the first stage he asked how many there were in the Conference who would have to make any sacrifice. One title holder (Hon. Mr. Harchandrai); no Government servants, a few pleaders, no Honorary Magistrate and so forth. Was any one of these prepared to act according to the proposal except one solitary pleader a Muhammadan? Those who wanted to pass the resolution were those who would have to sacrifice nothing for the present at least and many of them never at all. They too had hardly faith in the movement and were only trying it on. But it was a serious business and they should not bring ridicule upon themselves.

Professor Ghanshyam proposed an amendment which modified Mr. Ghandi’s demand by declaring that Mesopotamia, Syria, Armenia etc. should have self-determination. He said the Turkish Treaty was most unjust and the Punjab happenings had staggered the whole nation, hence the Non-Co-operation movement was justified. If they feared failure they should organizes a society to preach action according to the resolution. Indian’s condition was most lamentable. She had remained under foreign rule for a hundred and fifty years, and it was without honour. Otherwise the Khilafat decision would have been different and the Punjab atrocities would not have happened. We were not men if our hearts did not revolt against and abhor what had taken place. We could not remain subject to England except on terms of equality and fellowship. Constitutional agitation had failed, so they must use another remedy and Non-Co-operation was the very best. The English had lost their head after overthrowing Germany. The partition of Bengal had been cancelled not because of agitation but because of the bombs. The Reform Act was given on account of the war. The English themselves admitted that to alter the form of government was not only a right but a duty. It was said that Non-Co-operation would lead to bloodshed but constitutional agitation had also led to bombs in Bengal. We had suffered too much dishonor. People could bear no more. Nothing would now be of use except sacrifice. Mr. Gandhi had stopped jehad but if we did not support Muhammadans they might become violent. He was sure if we made sacrifices now the Government would come round before things went too far. Success would not come in a day or two, but gradually, they must work steadily. Liberty was never won without great sacrifices. Muhammadans should see that if India wanted self-determination how could Mesopotamia and Syria be refused it. Let them decide themselves whether they should or should not remain under Turkey. They should have a society to preach non-violent non-co-operation.

      Dr. Choitram moved another amendment in which he excluded interfering with police and the army and wanted that the Non-Co-operation movement should begin after people had been educated as to how to do it without violence and that about the Councils the decision should be left to the Congress. Agitation had failed with the Rowaltt Act. The Government did not care for us, were in despair. The Mandate meant the oil-fields of Mosul. It would be a shame if the Indian troops went any longer to Mesopotamia and Syria to help in reducing them to subjection. That should stop. Mesopotamia and Syria and Arabia were wanted by Britain as a wall or fortress standing before India in order to reduce India to greater dependence. If we did not see to something India would be ruined in ten years. The present Ministry was of robbers and plunderers. Too much power always turned the head. So it was with England now. He knew what excitement and spirit of Jehad was among Muhammadans. Mr. Gandhi had checked it. If Non-Co-operation failed then some other remedy must be tried. The Congress creed would probably have to be changed. When young men gave their lives on the gallows then would India be saved and there was he knew, a new spirit among the youth. When young men were hanged the fathers and grandfathers would resign appointments easily. The police however were wanted for the sake of order, the army through under the bureaucracy was wanted to repel foreign invasion. We wanted to break the chains of subjection and dishonor but we did not want disorder and foreign invasion. If we only began Non-Co-operation earnestly, it would have an effect. The English were very clever, so clever that they had made a fool even of President Wilson, so they would not like to let thing go very far, and to lose India. They would not be such fools as to be obstinate even at the cost of losing India.

      Mr. Govindanand then brought forward his amendment. The Conference is still proceeding. (THE DAILY GAZETTE, WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 1, 1920) 

Hyderabad, August 31,

      The Sind special Provincial Conference is still sitting.

      Swami Govindanand’s amendment added a clause to Mr. Gandhi’s Non-Co-operation scheme to the effect that the agitation should be continued till complete swaraj was given to India. We had petitioned and petitioned, but no good had resulted. We had lost our patience and something had to be done. Even God had lost his patience with men and hence the terrible wars are being witnessed. India had a message for the world, the message of Dharma. She could deliver it only if she was free and for this Non-Co-operation was the best. Some feared revolution. He did not care but a revolution would surely come if Non-Co-operation was not adopted. The Police and Military were the foundation of British strength in India, so they should be taken up first. If they made friends with the Muhammadans they need not fear foreign invasion from Afghan, Arab or Turk. If the Military people resigned Government would come to its senses. Without the military behind them these English were very timid and nervous. The English were suffering from the malady of zulam, They should be given one medicine after another. Just now the medicine was that we stand aside from them and continue to be sulky. When medicine fails, then a surgical operation is employed. Non-Co-operation should be nationalized and have self reliance, otherwise Jahlianwalas and Khilafat would happen again and again. We were sick of the English and wanted our own rule.

NON-CO-OPERATION AND NOSE-RINGS

      Mr. Lalchand supporting Govindanand said that they heard too much about dangers. There was no danger. Non-Co-operation should not be for Khilafat but should be nationalized, and then it would succeed. In 1896 young men started the movement of doing away with the nose-ring for women. Many said it was impossible but today how many young ladies had the nose ring? In 1884 Tilak set up the flag of swaraj and many Harchandrais and others said “Impossible,” but to-day Dr. Choitram thought there would be foreign invasion but Mr. Gandhi was than us. There was no fear in doing away with police and army. He had lived and worked among Muhammadans and had found that they were extremely grateful. He would sooner except treachery from a Hindu than from a Muslim. If we supported the Muslims now they would never forget it. They would never join outside invaders against us. Mr. Ghanshyam wanted Muhammadans to agree to give freedom to Mesopotamia and Syria, etc. But that was just the difficulty. Muhammadans rightly said that without these Turkey would be a small and weak state. That was like the Muslim saying to us. “O ye Hindus give up your idolatry and then we will join you”. Was that possible? Mr. Santdas had said that people resigning Government services would starve. Mr. Santdass had left Government service and got into another profession. Was he starving? How many after all were in Government service? Mr. Gandhi did not say that the service of private European firms should be left.

INVOKING THE WRONG SIDE

      Mr. Virumal of the Sindhi of Sukkur, supporting Mr. Vaswani’s proposition, said some regretted the difference of opinion which now divided old co-workers. He was not sorry. It showed that everyone was thinking. It was not disunion; they all had the same goal. He thought they should all bow to Mr. Gandhi’s authority. No better or wiser man existed on earth. He could not be wrong. If they did not follow Mr. Gandhi the great Indians whose portraits were hanging in front-. Tagore, Subramanya, Iyer, Gokhale, Perozeshah Mehta, Mrs. Besant would all be pained, whether in heaven or on earth, otherwise they would be happy and would bless us. (Here there came loud laughter, because the impassioned orator had forgotten that most of these great ones were against Non-Co-operation). Impossible? Did not Napoleon say the word should be taken out from the dictionary. To think ourselves unfit was a blot on India. Troubles and hardships will come but no matter. Neither pen, nor tongue, nor deputations had availed. It was complained that twenty eight days of August had passed as yet how every few had resigned honours, service etc. What! It did not matter. Twenty eight years might pass, even centuries. They should simply preservers. Who was going to bell the cat, asked Mr. Gopaldass. Be comforted there were many now. Mr. Gandhi alone would do it. Nothing would be gained by co-operating with the Government. Mr. Gokhale had done it most earnestly, and others but what came of it. Those who had left the service were not blind or useless. They could make themselves useful in other ways. Queen Victoria had promised life, liberty and prosperity but we have got nothing.

Mr. HARCHANDRAI’S SOUND ADVICE

      The Hon. Mr. Harchandrai, supporting Mr. Santdass said that the wind which was blowing showed that his words would not avail but still he would speak. Those who had supported Non-Co-operation had forgotten the main issue and were dwelling on the minor points. The troubles and drawbacks every one admitted, so also the injustice of the Khilafat decision and the Punjab happenings, but the question was whether non-co-operation would remedy these. He was sure it would not. It would only lead to anarchy and bring about great evil. They should adopt non-co-operation if they thought that it would really do good. The British Government was very powerful it was not going to yield to pressure from us. Government would only laugh at us and we would be harming our own people. Some speakers said that they should go on with Non-Co-operation for 10, 20, 30 years but would the Turkish Treaty be modified after the present treaty had come into force and Turkey had got settled in the new situation. How were the guilty Punjab officials going to be punished 30 years hence? Wounds had been inflicted on us but they must not act under the impulse of heartiest excitement. They should let their brains cool and then act otherwise there would be much harm. Government did not care if honors and titles were given up. If men give up service the Departments like Revenue and Engineering would stand still. Then how would cultivation go on? Zamindars would fight and fight for water and there would be disorder. Then might would triumph, and not right. We were introducing compulsory education and now we were told to withdraw boys from the schools. Where would they go when and how would other schools be started. Government could get many employees from elsewhere. Without pleaders there would be a police reign of terror. The best thing was to send to the Councils our best men who should try to get full justice. The speaker ended with a story. An opium eater was lying down half senseless with a heavy club by his side. One leg was bent up and seeing his knee in front he thought it was a thief. He took the club and struck the “thief”. In pain he carried out, still intoxicated “Rascal you have hurt my knee, no doubt but you will never forget my club”, To strike Government was to batter, cripple, and destroy oneself.

      Mr. Punaya from Karachi supported Mr. Govindanand and being a Madrasi knowing neither Sindhi nor Hindi, he spoke in good English. (THE DAILY GAZETTE, TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 2, 1920 PAGE NO.5)

Hyderabad, September 1

       At the Sind Special Conference at Hyderabad Mr. Punya said that the system of Government had to be changed, that was the cause of all evils. The Khilafat and Jalianwalla what if the Viceroy or the Dyers were punished or even hanged. It was said that Asiatics were unfit. Nonsense! From Asia came all civilization and all the religious leaders of the world. England was powerful, so not physical force but soul force would be of use against her, and it is Non-Co-operation. If we went as beggars we should be treated as beggars, go like men and you will be treated as men.

      Pandit Umersee from Karachi supported Mr. Vaswani and said that Mr. Gandhi certainly not started this movement without deep reflection. Mr. Gandhi was a great man and he had thirty years experience of these things. Those who said it could not be done would not be able to do anything. Men who fled from trouble were normally dead. So it was better to die than live like this, we were not men if we thought not of honour. One gentleman had said “Let us ask and we shall get”. Since the history of the Jewish nation, liberty had never been won by mere asking and asking.

Mr. Lokaram of Karachi, Supporting Mr. Santdass against non-Co-operation, said that this was not to be a paper resolution but would necessitate action on their part. This movement arose out of the Khilafat question, yet how many Muslims were in the hall? How many who are for the resolution has any connection with Government which they may break off? There were a few income tax payers, but if the tax was not paid, Government would attach property. How many the speakers will have to sacrifice anything? Ten crores of rupees would be required to feed those who might leave service. Before starting a fund and finding money men were being asked to resign. Where were their national schools and colleges to receive lakhs of boys leaving Government and aided institutions? Dr. Choitram who favoured Non-Co-operation in general, told them that the police and army must remain in act, or disorder and foreign invasion would come. Many nations had their eyes upon on India. For a thousand years outsiders had been invading or coming into India to get wealth. Where was the guarantee that if outside Muslim came upon India the Muslim here would be on our side? He knew the Pathans. Wild and ferocious and what not. It had been said that a great leader like Mr. Gandhi should be implicitly followed. But Mr. Gandhi himself wanted us to follow our conscience, the highest law and had not Mr. Gandhi himself erred in supporting the Punjab Indemnity Bill.

      Pundit Lokram supporting Mr. Ghansyam said it was a pity that the same arguments which had been put before us during these three years by leaders like Mr. Harchandrai, Mr. Bhurgari and others in order to awaken us and bring us the political life of independence, were being attached and broken by the same gentlemen now. We use to look upon Government as Ma Bap, to be reverenced and obeyed but we were taught that Bureaucracy was our servant not lord. Why did you, Sirs, bring us it of our shells? Police and Military to remain intact? Oh, no ‘these were the back bone of the Bureaucracy and they must go before any thing else if possible. If we could bring one to its knees such a great Government as ours, we could boldly meet any invader. The Sind leaders had formerly declared that we were fit for self Government but the Government said we were not. Now when we said we were fit to take action the leaders said No. Who had spoken truly? The leaders or the Government. Only a few would act? But Guru Gobindsing began his great work against Aurangzeb with only five men.

MR. GANDHI’S ROAD TO RUIN

         Mr. Jermadas supporting Dr. Choitram said that the amendment accepted the principle of Mr. Gandhi’s Non-Co-operation and three out of the four steps and made slight additions. Income tax was the fourth steps in Mr. Gandhi’s programmed; in theirs it was second. They also wanted Syria and Mesopotamia to remain independent of Turkey, if they so chose. If we wanted independence ourselves how could we refuse it to others? Mr. Gandhi’s personality was unequalled in the world. It was the first time in the history of the world that in political affairs force was going to be abandoned and Non-Co-operation adopted. It was by following conscience that Mr. Gandhi had become so great. He has displeased father, mother, brother and friends. No Provincial Committee had adopted the fourth steps about the Police and Military. Perhaps many here did not know what was going on in Central Asia. No one of them wanted foreign invasion, so the army must remain. Moreover if the first three steps were carried out the fourth would be unnecessary as Government would surely yield before that. Egypt had gained freedom in a short time by making sacrifices. He would agree with them in preventing Indian troops from going to fight in other countries but for India they must remain. It was provided in this amendment that a preacher of Non-Co-operation must carry out at once any one of the steps which applied to him.

      Mr. Jethmal supporting Mr. Santdass made a very powerful speech which created something like a sensation. It was a very delicate question but it was time for being frank and honest. Muhammadans might not like what he was going to say but he could not help it. There was division in the old camp of co-workers. Mr. Bhurgri, Santdas, himself on one side, Jeram and Choitram on the other and Ganshyam on the third. Mr. Virumal was wrong in trying to silence them by Mr. Gandhi’s authority. Was Mr. Virumal sure that in heaven our departed great men were in agreement on this question. Non-Co-operation for Punjab and on Turkey? Since he had entered political life his heart burned within him at foreign supremacy in India. That was more serious than Jalianwalas. He was for self-determination but he was against religion being dragged into politics. He was against creating disorder in the country and opening the door to foreign invasion. Who among us was not profoundly stirred at this moment? There were two movements among Muhammadans. The Pan-Inslamism movement to unite the Muslim of the world. The second was Hijrat. At Allahabad Mr. Shoukat Ali had defined Hijrat as leaving the country of the tyrant and coming back to invade it. Was it  not true that some of the Muahmmadans who had gone on Hijrat had joined the army there? So long as there was danger of an Afghan invasion of India,  the Muhammadans should not except support from the Hindus. He had Tilak and Malaviya on his side there. At present the British power was keeping back Muhammadan invasion. India had always been harassed by the Muslim invaders. The Amir of Afghanistan had stopped Hijrat into his country because of political reasons. He believed rather the principles of the Gita and Dharam Yudh than in nonviolence or Satyagraha. He would say with Lajpatrai that first we must have a national army, also we must organize trade guild and then there will be no disorder if the authority of the present Government suffers. As regards the reforms they were not Heaven’s word, but they were something. “If you want to bring the British and other nations to a sense of justice, remember all are alike including our Japan, then touch their purse. Bite their stomachs by boycotting their goods. Do not give a ball of fire to the Muhammadan brethren to play with. It is not a toy but living fire”. (THE DAILY GAZETTE, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 3, 1920 PAGE NO. 5)

Hyderabad, September 2

      The Sind Special Conference has now concluded its session. On Thursday evening Mr. Narsinghlal of Karachi spoke in support of Mr. Govindananda’s resolution. He said that an ordinary man like him was not worthy to be followed but he would request delegates to think over what they heard. Mr. Jasawalla of Central Provinces has taken to Parliament 50 lakhs of signatures from India against cow slaughter in India, but nothing at all come of it. They must get rid of the bogy of constitutional agitation as worthless. Mr. Gandhi had not included “Swaraj” or other benefit for India as his ideas were loftily and unselfish, so he wanted to have the movement for the sake of Muhammadans only but we men might well put in the “Swaraj clause.” If we all put into practice the Non-Co-operation resolution for a few days Government would surely come round. At the time of the hartal, when the European heard that it might last for three days, they were frightened almost out of their lives. They think so much of their stomach, usually they bought one day’s provision like penniless people but this time they bought four days provisions. Some had spoken of dangers from Non-Co-operation but while these dangers were only possible, there was certainty of bloodshed, etc. If they did not adopt Non-Co-operation. No one had attempted to prove that if we all united in action Government would not yield. When the Police were not at Delhi for a few days there was no theft at all. Mr. Mahomed Khan here came forward to speak in support of Mr. Vaswani’s resolution. He was a Pathan himself from the Punjab and he wanted chiefly to assure the audience that the Afghans had no thought of invading India and that the Indian Muhammadans would not help them. The fears about trouble from Central Asia were groundless.

A SOULIUL FINISH

      Mr. Vaswani, the prosper of the original resolution spoke on it last and replied to all opponents. He spoke in Hindustani (or whatever it was) and said that his voice was weak but not his heart. During recess he heard a little girl outside in the garden crying out in anguish “Oh, where is my brother, my beautiful, brother, my darling little one? Oh find me him”, after much search she found him and with what joy and gladness she took him home. The Hindus had lost their Muslim brothers and searched and searched and now at last the Muslim were found. And the Hindus should rejoice. How the Muslims in their trouble were even looking out for Hindus for help. There should be no condition accompanying the giving of help and therefore he desired that no clause like acceptance of swaraj for India and for Mesopotamia or Syria should be imposed. There was only one condition that there should be no disorder in the Empire. His way was of love and therefore no condition was required. This method of give and take and of conditions was of the west and it must be discarded. Have faith in the Muslims and you will see their manly gratitude. It had been said that we should reflect but speaker’s reflection was Love. Mr. Muhammed Ali had said that the Muhammadans did not object to Arab independence. It was true the Khialfat had often gone from one country to another but the Muhammadans rightly claimed that they, not others, should select the Khilafat, and it was necessary that the ruler should be very powerful. There was no proof of danger of any Afghan invasion. Afghanistan had sympathy for India. The late ruler had stopped cow slaughter there, and now Hindus there could go about on horseback. How was a smaller power like Afghanistan going to wage war upon a great power like England. Non-Co-operation now meant co-operation with Muhammadans. Unite them and follow satyagraha. Therein lay India’s salvation; some had expressed horror of revolution but there were bloody and bloodless revolutions Non-Co-operation would bring the latter. He would never join any one in violent action.

      Mr. Vaswani had already taken more than forty minutes speaking in a sermonizing way, slow and measured, and it seems he wanted to go on at least half an hour more and so when the President asked him to hasten he abruptly closed and went out and was brought back. What followed has been already mentioned. After the voting on this and the four resolution already mentioned as put from the chair the President was given a vote of thanks, four gentlemen speaking on it. It was specially mentioned that the Citizens Association, Hyderabad, and the Home Rule movement in Karachi owed much to Mr. Durgdas. The President gave a fitting and brief reply.